Guth na Bliadhna leabhar iii.) AN GEAMHEADH, 1906. [aireamh i. a' chrois-tara Tha Eachdraidh Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba cosmhuil ri aon de na h-innleachdan diomhair sin ris an abrar kaleidoscope's a' Bheurla. Tha i, mar gu'm b'ann, air a dheanamh suas air fad le mòran de chriomagan beaga dhathan anns nach 'eil runsuidhichte, no riaghailteachd, r'a faicinn. Tha cogadh no fead a' leantainn air muin fead ann, mar tha tonn a' tighinn air muin tuinne air tràigh na fairge, gus mu dheireadh, is èiginn do'n fhear-amhairc a shùilean a thoirt air ais, air dha 'bhi ceannsaichte agus imcheisteach, 's air a dheanamh dall ach beag leis. 'S e so a' chùis a thaobh luchd-leughaidh, aig nach 'eil an t-àm no an toil a dhol a stigh innte. Cha 'n 'eil iad a' faicinn ann ar n-Eachdraidh dad 'sam bith ach trioblaid agus còmhstri. Tha ar cùisean pràbach fèin 'gan cur fo dhoilleireachd ro-mhòr; agus o'n a tha iad 'gan tuigsinn an rathad cumhann, 's ann mar sin tha iad a' leughadh Eachdraidh. Is iomadh neach a tha mar so 's an t-saoghal air fad. An ni sin nach 'eil soilleir dhoibh an toiseach, cha 'n 'eil iad a' ghabhail ris air chòir air bith. Is toil leo a mhàin nithean ro-fhaicsinneach, so-thuigsinn. Mur 'eil Eachdraidh, no dad 'sam bith eile, a dh'ainmeachadh sinn, rèidh, 2 A' Chrois-Tara soirbh, aon-fhillte, agus direach mar is àill leo a bhith, air ball fàsaidh iad seachd sgith; agus ann an ùine ghoirid, seargaidh iad gu tur. Tha an fheadhainn so cosmhuil ris an t-siol a chuireadh anns na h-àitean creagach. Chual iad am Facal Naomh le gairdeachas; ach cha robh freumh aca annta fèin. Mhairidh iad car tamuill, mar an ceudna; ach an uair a thig àmhgar, no duilgheadas 'sam bith, seargaidh iad air falbh gu grad. Ach, saor o choghaidhean agus fheadaibh, cha 'n 'eil ar n-Eachdraidh fèin cho duilich a thuigsinn, dubharach, agus air a chur thar a' chèile, mar a tha mòran a' cur oirre. Gun teagamh, tha iomadh ni innte a tha fuaighte ris a' Ghàidhealtachd, 's an dòigh, agus 's an tomhas a tha dualach d'ar dùthaich; ach is e so seòrsa de dh'aodainn-fuadain a mhàin, agus's an taobh a stigh dhith, tha gach ni rèidh, soileir, agus so-thuigsinn gu lèir. Tha ar n-Eachdraidh fèin mar shealladh air dùthaich fad air astar, anns am bheil, air tùs, beanntan agus bailtean, sruthan agus coilltean, gleanntan agus machraichean air an cur thàr a' chèile air dòigh nach 'eil gu tur soilleir. Ach, ann an ùine bhig, 's air do'n t-sùil a' fàs gnathaichte ris, thig gach ni ann rèidh, riaghailteach, agus mar is còir da 'bhi. Tha Eachdraidh Gaidhealtachd na h-Alba air a roinn gu lèir an tri earrannan. Tha a' chiad earrann o theachd Eigh Fhearghais gu ruig blàr Srath Chathruaidh (1130). Tha an dara earrainn a' tighinn a nuas o'n bhliadhna sin gu ruig adhartachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, 's a' bhliadhna 1476; agus tha an treas earrann a' tighinn a nuas o'n àm sin gu ruig "Bliadhna Thearlaich," agus blàr Chuil-fhodair (1746). Cha 'n 'eil e duilich Eachdraidh Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba a thuigsinn gu ruig bliadhna arbhar- A' Chrois-Tara 3 tachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, a chionn gu'm bheil i air a sgriobhadh gu soilleir an Eachdraidh choitchionn na h-Alba. Ach an deigh do Eigh Seumas Mac Dhòmhnull nan Eilean a chur fo smachd, agus an tiodal uaibhreach, cumhachdach, sin a thoirt air falbh uaith, cha 'n 'eil e cho soirbh a leigeadh ris dhith; a chionn gu'n robh an tubaist ud 'n a ceann-aobhar dhuinn chum gach ànraidh agus diobraidh a thachair oirnn an deigh sin; agus o'n a tha e 'n a ceann-aobhar dhuinn chum gach " ceannairc" agus còmhstri a thachair anns a' Ghàidhealtachd an deigh bàis Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean. Ach, roimh an àm ud, cha 'n eil e duilich Eachdraidh na h-Alba a thuigsinn, mar a thubhairt sinn mu thrath; do bhrigh roimhe 'n tubaist sin, cha robh 's an duthaich air fad ach dithis chumhachdan —'s e sin ri ràdh, a'chumhachd Ghàidhealach, agus a'chumhachd nach robh Gàidhealach idir. Ach air do Mhac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean a bhith air a chur fo smachd, agus a thiodal uaibhnach a bhith air a thoirt air falbh uaith leis an Eigh, thuit Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba fo aimhreit anabarr ro mhòr, a chionn nach robh neach 'sam bith's an dùthaich gu lèir aig an robh ughdarras cho mòr, 's cho farsuinn r'ar cuisean fèin a chuir air adhart, agus Gàidheal na h-Alba a dheanamh 'n an aon. Tha Eachdraidh na h-Alba a' leigeil ris duinn gu soilleir ciod e an t-aobhar a bh'ann chum gach cogadh agus fead a bh'ann eadar Gàidheal na dùthcha agus na coigrich a bha 'n taobh a stigh dhith, an deigh bàis an dara Eigh Calum (1034). Thug esan oidhirp an leantuinn-rioghail a chur gu taobh, agus a chinneadh fèin a shocrachadh air cathair rioghail na h-Alba, ni nach bu choir dhasan a dheanamh; oir a rèir cleachdainnean agus 4 A' Chrois-Tara laghanna na dùthcha, b'e Lulaig Mhic Ghillecom-gain (Righ Mhoiridh) a bha 'n a fhior-oighre do'n chrùn aig an àm ud. Thoisich, leis a sin, gach trioblaid, culaidh-fharmaid, agus còmhstri a thachair oirnn an deigh sin, an lorg a' ghlacaidh eucoraich ud. Lean Gàidheil na dùthcha taobh teaghlaich Mhoiridh, agus chath na Sasunnaich agus coigrich eile 'n an aghaidh. Sheas ar dùthaich fèin anns an staid chunnartach mhi-fhiosraich aimhreitich ud gu ruig rioghachadh a' chiad Righ Dhaibhidh, an uair, 's a bhliadhna 1130, mar a thubhairt sinn mu thrath, thug an righ sin buaidh air teaghlaich Mhoiridh air blàr Srath Chathruaidh, agus aig a' cheart àm, dh'aonaich e an dùthaich sin ris fèin. Thoisich a' chòmhstri sgriosail so, mar a thug sinn fainear a cheana, le connsachadh mu chòir-sheilbh air cathair-rioghail na h-Alba. Cha robh i air tùs 'n a spàirn eadar Gàidheal is Gall idir. Bha fir teaghlaich Athuil agus fir teaghlaich Mhoiridh 'n an Gàidheil araon; agus o'n a bha e mar sin, b'e droch-còrdadh a mhàin a bha eadar an dà theaghlaich Ghàidhealach. Ach, is ann mar a chaidh an spàirn so air a h-adhart, is ann mar sin a tha e 'toirt a mach ceum air cheum gu soilleir co dhiù gach ni a bha fillte ann, gu h-àraidh gur h-e cath eadar Gàidheal agus Gall a bh'ann. B'e teaghlach Athuil a thoisich a' chluich chunnartach, fhuilteach ud; agus is ann do bhrigh nach urrainn doibh an cùisean fèin a chuir air adhart gun chobhair, gu'n do ghuidh iad air Sasunnaich na h-Alba 'thighinn 'gan cuideachadh. Aig an àm cheudna, thoisich righrean teaghlaich Athuil gu bhith 'n an riaghladairean Sasunnach. Dh'atharraich iad àrd-bhaile na dùthcha o Sgàin gu Dùn Eideann : b'e Righ Daibhidh a thug a steach do'n dùthaich so na cleachdainnean riaghailteach sin ris an abrar am A' Chrois-Tara 5 Feudal System's a' Bheurla; agus air iomadh dòigh eile thug iad oidhirp air Gàidheal na h-Alba a chuir fo aimheal. Ach, cha robh so, mar bu dualach duinn, taitneach do mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd. Dh'èirich muinntir Mhoiridh fo armachd a rìs agus a rìs, agus muinntir Ghàidhealach eile maille riu, an aghaidh righrean na h-Alba, agus an aghaidh an cleachdaidhean coigreachail cèin. Anns a' bhliadhna 1093 dh'èirich Gàidheil na h-Alba air fad fo armachd, agus le Dòmhnull Bàn, Mac dara Righ Calum, air an ceann, thilg iad a mach na Sasunnaich agus coigrich eile as an rioghachd. Anns a' bhliadhna 1130, dh'èirich muinntir na Gàidhealtachd fo armachd air taobh Aonghais Righ, no Morair, Mhoiridh, agus ann an ùine ghoirid an deigh sin, dh'èirich iad a rìs chum "Calum Mac Aoidh" a chur air cathair riaghail na dùthcha. Anns a' bhliadhna 1153, bha "ceannairc" Ghàidhealach ann air son Shomhairle Righ nan Eilean. Anns a' bhliadhna 1164, bhris Somh-airle a rìs a stigh do dh'Alba, le armailt mòr de mhuinntir nan Eilean agus de mhòr-thir na dùthcha comhla ris chum an riaghladh Sasunnach a chur air falbh, agus crùn na h-Alba a ghlacadh mar a chuid fèin. Anns a' bhliadhna 1174, bha "ceannairc " Ghàidhealach eile ann air taobh iar-dheas na dùthcha. B'e Dòmhnull Bàn a thog a' " cheannairc " Ghàidhealach sin a thachair an Alba anns a' bhliadhna 1181, agus ann an ùine bhig an deigh sin, dh'èirich Guthred Mac Uilleim fo armachd, agus mòran de mhuinntir Ghàidhealach comhla ris. A nis, ciod is ciall do'n chogadh so uile ? An e a mhàin, gu'n do chuir muinntir Mhoiridh, agus Gàidheil eile, an teaghlach Mhoiridh air cathair rioghail na dùthcha? Gun teagamh, is ann mar 6 A' Chrois-Tara sin a bha e an tomhas mòr; ach cha'n ann buileach. Is cinnteach gu'n do chog ar sinnsirean-ne air son na chis sin, ach cha'n ann air son sin a mhàin; oir am bitheantas bha an shilean-ne ri chisean agus còirean mòran ni 's mò na sin. Dh'èirich iad fo armachd air an son fèin, 's an dùthcha, an cainnt, air son an cleachdainnean fèin agus Alba, agus an rioghachd air fad. Is ann mar sin a bha, mar tha Eachdraidh 'ga dearbhadh gu soilleir dhuinn, agus is ann mar sin a bhitheas a rìs, ma bhitheas sinn fèin fireannach, dileas, seasmhach a thaobh cainnt is dùthcha. A nis, ciod a thachair an Alba an deigh do mhuinntir Mhoiridh a bhith air an cur fo smachd le ard-righrean na dùthcha a bhuineadh do theaghlaich Athuil ? Gu grad, chaidh a' chumhachd agus an seasamh uasal is euchdail a bha aca mar riochdairean Gàidhealach thairis gu righrean nan Eilean. Chuir iad umpa fèin an fhalluing bhoidheach Ghàidhealach, agus sheas iad a mach fad re iomadh bliadhna mar diuraidhean nan Gàidheal. B'e Somhairle a spion a' bhratach Gàidhealach a mach a' làmhan fàilinneach Mhorairean Mhoiridh, agus a thog i an àird ann am measg nan Eilean. B'e Somhairle a chuir sios mar dhileab a' bhratach so d'a luchd-leanmhuinn fèin, agus a shuidhich a rìs, agus a shin-a-mach an t-seann Bheul-Aithris Ghàidhealach. B'e a' bhratach so, air an robh " Cainnt is Dùthaich " sgriobhta (theagamh ged nach robh e soilleir air tùs) a thug Dòmhnull nan Eilean an àird 's a' bhliadhna 1411, oir 's gann a ruigear a leas a dhearbhadh gur e crùn na h-Alba air an robh e 'cumail sùla, 'nuair a shiubhail e le armailt mòr o na h-Eileanaibh chum catha a chur 'an aghaidh nan Sasunnach. Tharruingeadh an rùn ceudna a stigh ionnsuidh inntinnean an luchd-leanmhuinn A' Chrois-Tara 7 a bha aige. Dh'innis iad gu follaiseach gu'n robh iad 'n an riaghlaidearan air leith, agus air am bonn fèin. Dhealbh iad airgiod air an son fèin, agus rinn iad còrdadh ri rioghachd chèin eile. Tha cuid ag ràdh, an lorg so, gu'n robh iad 'n am fir-bhrathaidh, fir-cheannairc a thaobh righ is dùthcha; ach cha b'ann mar so idir a bha iad. Bha iad a' glèidheadh Beul-Aithris nan Gàidheal. A' bhratach Ghàidhealach air an robh iad air an cuir an seilbh, bha iad mar so a' cumail suas, le dubhlan, agus gu buannachdail. Thubhairt iad-fèin gu follaiseach, agus ann an litir a sgriobh fear dhuibh a dh'ionnsuidh an righ Shasunnaich, gu'n robh iad 'n an riaghlaidearan air leith, air am bonn fèin, agus gu'n robh iad, mar a bha an sinnsirean 'n an nàimhdean do righ na h-Alba, agus do'n dùthaich sin a bhuineas da. Ach, air do'n tiodal so a bhi air a thoirt air falbh leis an righ, thuit dùthaich nan Gàidheal air fior droch làithean. Is ann mar dhuine gun cheann, gun ghàirdeanan, gun chridhe, gun ghuth a dh'fhàs ar dùthaich-ne gu grad an lorg na tubaiste sin. Tha cuid ag ràdh gu'n robh e 'n a ni maith air son Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba gu'n robh Tighearnan nan Eilean air an cuir as leis an righ, a chionn gu'n robh iadsan 'n an ain-tighearnan os cionn mòran fhineachan eile ; agus air do Dhòmh-null a bhi air a chur fo smachd, leigeadh fa sgaoil na fineachan eile so. Ar leinn, gu'm bheil iadsan gu tur air am mealladh a thaobh a' bheachd so. An lorg ceannsachaidh nan Eilean, chaill a' Ghàidhealtachd gu grad, agus an tomhas mòr a' chumhachd a bha aice anns na linntean a dh'fhalbh chum leanailteachd, chum fèin-ceangaltas. Fhad's a bha Tighearnan nan Eilean air an ceann, bha Gàidheil na h-Alba làidir, neartmhor, agus aonnichte ri 8 A' Chrois-Tara chèile gu h-iomlan. Ach cha b'ann mar sin a bha 'nuair a thug righrean na h-Alba buaidh orra. Thugadh a' chumhachd a bha aca uatha, agus Bratach nan Gàidheal maille rithe; ach cha d' thàinig ni air bith eile an àite na bha air a thilgeadh sios. Bha Dòmhnuill nan Eilean air a sgrios ; ach cha robh e comasach do righrean na h-Alba dùthaich nan Gàidheal a chuir air a bonn fèin. Dh' èirich fine 'an aghaidh fine, agus teaghlach an aghaidh teaghlaich. Cha robh neach 'sam bith ann aig an robh ùghdarras na's leòir chum a' chòmstri sgriosail fhuilteach ud a chumail fodha. Gun cheann-feadhna, gun bhratach, gun chumh-achd-teis-meadhonach, chaidh a' Ghàidhealtachd uile am miosad gu grad. Uidh air uidh, thàinig a steach do dhùthaich nan Gàidheal droch chle-achdainnean gun àireamh, aimhreit, eas-aonachd, creachan, mortadh, agus gach seòrsa uilc eile. Cha n-aobhar foghnaidh dhuinn gu'n robh na Gàidheal 'n am muinntir aineolach, allmharach, aimhreiteach aig an àm mhuladach sin. Ach, fa dheoidh, thàinig an àrd-righ gu Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba, agus 'n a chois, aineolas, buirbe, cleachdainnean is luchd-comhairle Sasunnach, a' Bheurla, agus mòran ni eile nach 'eil a' cordadh dhuinn idir. Agus a nis, 's ged a thàinig an àrd-righ ionn-suidh dùthcha nan Gaidheal, thuit Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba da-rireadh air droch làithean ; agus is ann mar so a bha i air fad mhòran bhliadhnaichean a bha fathast ri tighinn oirre. Gu grad, chuir an Crùn a chùl ris a Ghàidheal's ris a' Ghaidhlig, agus thug e air falbh leis gu dranndanach, fèin-chùiseach gach cothrom agus tachartas a thàinig's a rathad chum dùthaich nan Gàidheal a chuir am feabhas. Mhair an rian so fad iomadh bliadhna ; ach fa dheòidh rinneadh agus chuireadh a mach innleach- A' Chrois-Tara 9 dan-riaghlaidh eile. Fhuair a' chiad Eigh Tearlach a. mach agus a chuid-cùairtearan —'s e sin ri ràdh iadsan a bha 'cumail taobh ris 'an aghaidh luchd-leanmhuinne Chrombheill—gu'n robh na Gàidheil 'n an gaisgich threuna, agus, gun teagamh {foillseachadh na 's mò na sin dha'n taobh fèin), gu'm bitheadh iad ro fheumail dhoibh mar chompanaich an àm doibh a' dol a chogadh an aghaidh an nàimhdean-ne. So, a nis, am bann a chaidh a dheanamh eadar righ na h-Alba agus muinntir na Gàidhealtachd. Thubhairt a' Chùirt nach buineadh iadsan ri cùisean is gnothaichean na Gàidhealtachd ; agus cheadaich cinn-fheadhna dùthcha nan Gàidheal, air an dara làimh, a' bhratach rioghail a chumail suas, mar a b'fheàrr a dh'fhaodadh iad. Gu dearbh ¦chàraich am bann so buil neònach, bhreisleachal, air muinntir na Gàidhealtachd; do bhrigh gu'n d'thug e orra a' bhi 'n an luchd-cumail suas agus 'n an luchd-dionaidh nan Stiubhairteach —an t-aon teaghlach an Alba air fad leis an robh Gàidheil na dùthcha am bitheantas air an cumail fodha's air an docharaicheadh air dòigh a bu mhutha. Gun teagamh, dh'fheudadh mòran a bhith air a chur an cèill mu na nithibh so; ach cha'n 'eil àite againn air an son aig an àm so. Dh'fheuch sinn r'a leigeil ris •da'r luchd-Ieughaidh cia mar a thachair do Ghàidhealtachd na h-Alba a' bhith 'n a cùil-taic, agus 'n a dionadair do na Stiubhairtich, leis an robh i am bitheantas air a cur am mi-shuim, agus cho mòr air a dearmad leo fad mòran bhliadhnaichean. Ach, ged nach robh an co-aontachadh so gu h-iomlan maith air son dùthcha nan Gàidheal, oir thug e a steach do'n Ghàidhealtachd droch spiorad cogaidh is aineolais, agus a tha maireann gus an latha an diugh ; gidheadh, tha sinn ag aideachadh gu'n robh i ni maith a thaobh aoin nithe co dhiù—is e sin ri io A' Chrois-Tara ràdh, gu'n do chum e suas a' bhratach Ghàidhealach,, agus gu'n do ghlèidh e a' Bheul-Aithris Ghàidhealach air dhòigh nach robh comasach, theagamh, do rud 'sam bith eile a dheanamh. Bha roimhe so daoine cealgach, fèin-chùiseach ann am measg nan Gàidheal, mar a tha, 's mar a bhitheas, gun teagamh, gu crich an t-saoghail so; ach a dh'aindeoin sin, cha robh a' chuid bu mhò de mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd 'n an daoine cealgach, faoine, fèin-chùiseach aig an àm ud, ni 's mò na tha iad an diugh. Chog ar Sinnsirean an aghaidh Chrom-bheill, 's an aghaidh Righ Uilleim, s an aghaidh na h-Aonachd, agus air taobh an 8mh Righ Seumas agus a mhic Prionnsa Tearlach, cha'n ann a chionn gu'n deachaidh am bribeadh le òr is airgiod a chum sin a dheanamh, ach a chionn gu'n d'thug iad gràdh do'n Gàidhealtachd; gu'n d'thug iad gràdh do'n bhrataich againn, agus a chionn gu'n d'thug iad, mar an ceudna, gràdh 's onoir da'r Beul-Aithris Ghàidhealach. Agus tha so 'gar 'toirt air ar n-aghaidh gus ar ceann-teagaisg a rìs. Agus is e sin ri ràdh ann an aon fhocal a' Chrois-Tara, no, "is ann mar so a bha, agus is ann mar so a bhitheas," mur bi sinne lag, faoin, mi-chreidmheach agus mi-dhileas a thaobh nan daoine o'n d'thàinig sinn. Is fior, gu labhairt an cainnt chumanta, gu bheil ar làithean-cogaidh mar o shean. Chuir sinn seachad gach claidheamh agus dag, biodag agus sleagh. Ach a' bratach bhoidheach Ghàidhealach air am bheil na focail misneachail, brosnachail, beothachail, a leanas air an sgriobhadh gu soilleir, gu comharraichte, agus, ar leinn, gu bràth " Cainnt agus Dùthaich" ; is e sin gu dearbh fathast ann ar measg. Is leinn fèin a' bhratach bhoidheach sin : is leinn fèin an t-sean Bheul-Aithris Ghàidhealach. Togaibh suas Gaelic Confederation ii a' bhratach gu h-àrd! Togaibh an sean iolach ris na speuraibh 1 " Albainn ! Albainn ! "—an t-sean chath-gairm Ghàidhealach. An diugh an t-àm taitneach ! An diugh an uair iomchuidh! gaelic confederation The drawing together of the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland is a natural consequence of the language movement in both countries, and that that movement should have awakened a general desire for more intimate international relations is an encouraging and gratifying feature of our common agitation. We have already drawn attention in these pages to the antiquity of that correspondence, and to the desirability of re-establishing it upon a firm and enduring basis. That the Gaels of Ireland and of Scotland should unite to advance objects and aspirations held in common by them is at once a measure of the simplest precaution, and the most obvious expediency. As we have already remarked more than once, we are of the same race with the Irish, we enjoy a common literature, much of our history is a common possession, our aims and objects are identical, and our languages are nearly the same. Under these circumstances, it is obvious that not to unite for purposes of offence and defence would be to expose ourselves to the charge of neglecting to utilise means and resources which Providence has placed in our way; and inasmuch as neglect of this kind is justly universally derided as the unfailing characteristic of weak statesmen and feeble, indecisive measures, we venture to express the hope that men and conduct of this sort will on no account be suffered to play havoc with the interests of the Gael. 12 Gaelic Confederation There is no need to insist at this particular conjuncture of our affairs on the purely historical and antiquarian aspect of that Union and correspondence which used to subsist between the Gaels of Ireland and those of Scotland. We have already dealt with that topic ; and in view of the words of abounding and imperishable wisdom which one immeasurably greater, wiser and better than ourselves uttered concerning it many centuries ago, we hold that it would be almost an impertinence to re-open the question. Said Naomh Colum Cille at the famous Convention of Drumcat, which was organised for the purpose of establishing the relations which should subsist between the two great branches of the Gaelic brotherhood, namely the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Scotland, " 11 have, O High King and Princes of the Gael, one word more to say in this business. It is plain to every person who has been looking for any length of time upon the Gael of Alba and on the way they have succeeded against every foe who attempted to interfere in any way with them, that the hand of God is with them and against their foes. Hence I say it is not a very wise thing for the Gael of Ireland to accept any advice, or to adopt any purpose of action which would be in danger of dragging them into hatred for the Gael of Alba, and perhaps into a war with them. It is friendship and affection and love that ought to be between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Scotland, and not hatred or war. If the hand of God is with the Gael of Alba, against their foes, the hand of God will be with the Gael of Ireland as long as the friendship which ought to be is between them and the Gael of Alba.' " Colum Cille sat down. The Ardrigh stood up. " ' Kings and nobles of the Irish,' said he, Gaelic Confederation 13 ' both clergy and laity, I think it is as well for us all to leave this business to the arbitration and settlement of Colum Cille himself. It must be that the Ardrigh of Ireland has some dominion or power or authority over the Gael of Alba. All I want is to find out what that dominion is, and to put a name on it, and to enforce it. When that is done we shall all understand each other. I now, in the presence of this Convention, ask Colum Cille himself to take that matter in hand and to settle it, and we shall all be satisfied with whatever settlement he makes.' " The Ardrigh sat down. Colum Cille stood up. " 'High King of Erin,' said he, 'and ye princes and nobles of the Gael, the whole question has been already settled, generously settled. There is henceforward no danger that hatred or war shall arise between those two tribes of the Gael. There is a disciple of mine here, and he has an exact knowledge of every sort of relation that has taken place between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Alba, from the first day an Irish person went eastwards until the day we now have. He has an exact knowledge also of the nations of Europe and of their history, and of every occasion on which matters stood between two races of people as they now stand between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Alba. From the knowledge which he possesses he will find out for us what sort of bond it is that exists now between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Alba. He will, as the Ardrigh has said, put a name on the bond. The settlement of the question was put upon me. I now put the settlement of the question upon my pupil, Colman, the son of Comgellan.' " Colman, the son of Comgellan, then made the settlement, and here is how he made it:— 14 Gaelic Confederation "' That the hosting of the Gael of Alba shall be always with the men of Erin, because the hosting belongs to the original stock; but that their spoils and their ships shall belong to the men of Alba.' "It is in those words we find the settlement which Colman made, but historians are not very well agreed among themselves as to the force and significance of the words. Some of them say that the settlement left the Gael of Alba under the dominion of the Ardrigh of Ireland. Others of them say it did not, but that it is how the Gael of Alba were bound to help the Gael of Ireland in time of need, and the Gael of Ireland to help the Gael of Alba in the same way; that no dominion was given to any side of them over the other side. "When the settlement was made Aodh, the Ardrigh, ordered an enactment to be written, and that the will of the Convention should approve the enactment, so that it should have the strongest force of law. He asked Colum Cille to draw up the enactment. Colum Cille did so. The enactment was composed and written. Then it was read for the Convention, and the Convention sanctioned it. That made firm law of it. According to that enactment the Gael of Alba were free for ever from any claim of tribute from the Ardrigh of Ireland, and from any other sort of dominion. It was not how Aodh, the Ardrigh, relished that, but it was how he saw plainly that the mind of the Convention was determined on it, and that it was no use for him to be trying to resist it. But for the influence Colum Cille possessed in the Convention and the reverence all the people had for him, and but for the dread which the Ardrigh had of him, there was no fear that that settlement or that Gaelic Confederation 15 enactment would have been made. War would have arisen between the Gael of Ireland and the Gael of Scotland, and there was no knowing what would have been the end of it." Now, the character of the relations which should subsist between the Gael of Scotland and the Gael of Ireland being as above described by Colum Cille, it becomes our bounden duty, no less than our interest, to fall on all available means and measures whereby that ancient and honourable compact may be revived and strengthened, in order that both contracting parties may derive the greatest amount of satisfaction and profit from this natural and necessary union. It will doubtless be observed that, according to the terms of the compact submitted by the Saint and subsequently endorsed by the Convention, the contracting parties were left free to work out their respective social and political destinies; and to this arrangement we heartily subscribe. The alliance is to be not an incorporating Union—a phrase which for obvious reasons stinks in the nostrils of every patriotic Gael in Scotland—but an easy, flexible and statesmanlike arrangement whereby, whilst national independence is, in each case, jealously preserved, a kind of Gaelic confederacy is established for the furtherance of common ends and for the purpose of offering a united resistance to the designs and attacks of ambitious and unscrupulous enemies. This is the ideal form of Union, and the only thing of the kind, unless we are greatly mistaken, which the political conscience in every civilised country will tolerate in the future. This is the true Union of Hearts—an alliance based not on force and the abnegation, if not the positive destruction, of all national political rights, but on 16 Gaelic Confederation mutual affection and love; on the most powerful of all political motives, namely, the consciousness of possessing and sharing interests and aspirations in common; and lastly, on an identity of fact and tradition in respect of language, history and race. Such a Union as this we strongly advocate in the interests of the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland. We advocate it, too, in the interests of the British Empire itself which, if it is to be maintained here at home, must adapt itself to the altered conditions of which we speak by cancelling the present anomalous Unions, and by erecting in their place arrangements which shall be honourable and satisfactory to all the contracting parties. Unionism, as presently constituted, stands condemned. It is repugnant to the feelings of the three Celtic nations inhabiting the British Isles, whose political bondage is now an affair of the past, and whose reawakened national aspirations must inevitably travel in the direction of complete separation if English statesmen, who have so much to gain and so little to lose by the kind of friendly accommodation we suggest, are not wise enough to profit by their opportunities whilst yet there is time, and, by seasonable concessions (which can leave neither sting nor bitter taste behind them), grant us that which, whether they like it or not, we are every day growing more and more determined to possess, if necessary, at all costs and at all hazards imaginable. And although in many respects we necessarily have not, nor ever can have, the slightest sympathy with Socialism, yet he must needs be a very trifling and shallow political observer indeed who does not or will not perceive that the current of political thought in Europe is now setting strongly, perhaps irresistibly, in that direction, and Gaelic Confederation 17 that the triumph of Socialism will involve the undoing of those means by which powerful nations keep those which are less numerous, less rich and less well-armed than themselves in political subjection to them. Indeed, so far is the tendency of the times from going in the direction of Imperialism as some vainly and ignorantly pretend, we hold, on the contrary, that it is progressing in precisely the opposite direction, owing to the spread of socialistic ideas in all the civilised countries of Europe. The days of " big battalions," overgrown fleets and costly and extravagant armaments of all kinds, whereby alone the sacred rights of individuals as well as nations have been ruthlessly violated and trampled on in the past, are fortunately drawing to a close, owing to the spread of the gospel of Socialism; and so far as it makes for peace, disarmament and the universal recognition of the rights of oppressed nationalities, that otherwise predatory political creed has our unbounded admiration, and will always command our unqualified approval and support. We are coming to a time when nation will no more rise against nation, or country against country, at the bidding of a single individual however crooked in his measures or arbitrary in his rule, or at the instigation of a group of selfish and intriguing politicians or financiers. The " Rights of Man" is no empty, high-sounding phrase of doubtful utility, dubious political morality, and, practically, impossible, but is, humanly speaking, an eternal verity, which the nations of the world are rapidly coming to regard as something more than a mere revolutionary shibboleth— as something nobler and better and grander, and, last but by no means least, something infinitely more Christian than the mere party catch-word i8 Gaelic Confederation whereby and wherewith men, not a whit less self-seeking and corrupt than those they designed to supplant, managed in too many cases to gratify their lust of power at the expense of the people, whose spokesmen and agents they impudently and falsely pretended to be. The subject of Union naturally inclines us to devote a few words at this conjuncture to the discussion of that alliance which makes the greatest figure in our history—we allude, of course, to the compact with France. That connexion was the necessary consequence of the introduction of the feudal system into Scotland, and of that series of disastrous political arrangements which resulted in the gradual transference of the centre of political gravity from the west—its true home—to the east of Scotland. St. Columba's alliance with Ireland was the one which this country ought to have cultivated* and maintained at all costs, and at all hazards. It was not only the safest and soundest one in the interests of both countries, but, being founded on a natural sentiment, being the logical consequence of pre-existing historical facts, it was the only one capable of preserving the kingdom intact, and of saving the common nationality of both parties. The sovereigns of the House of Atholl, however, thought otherwise ; and on what slender and unsatisfactory grounds we too well know. They deliberately set to work to destroy the Gaelic power in Scotland, and having effectually accomplished that unpatriotic object, their successors on the throne of Alba found themselves face to face with the necessity of finding a workable substitute for that alliance (in order to balance the power and pretensions of England) elsewhere. Even after the suppression of the Gaelic polity, Gaelic Confederation 19 and the virtual triumph of the feudal system, Scotland might yet have been drawn back, had there been statesmen and a party strong and far-seeing enough to grasp the full meaning of the situation, and to act on the knowledge which that consciousness brought them, to her original principles. But, apparently, the die of the political destinies of our country was cast for at least several hundreds of years ; and by the later feudal sovereigns (of the House of Stuart) the fatal alliance with France was made and maintained. Now, it is obvious that that disastrous policy could have but one of two results, either of which must inevitably, sooner or later, spell ruin (that is absorption) to the lesser of the two powers concerned. Either the alliance must endure for all time, in the which case, in obedience to the irresistible law of political majorities the lesser must become swallowed up by the greater, and Scotland so become a mere province of France; or the other alternative must no less certainly happen, namely, the connexion must sooner or later become incapable of bearing the political strain imposed on it, and, the law of political majorities again taking effect, Scotland, as being the lesser, must inevitably be absorbed by her more powerful neighbour of England. As a matter of fact the first of these two eventualities was within an ace of coming to pass in the reign of Queen Mary, who, whilst in France, actually signed away the independence of her country to the French ; and there can be no doubt that had not the so-called Reformation introduced another and equally hostile influence into Scotland, the Franco-Scottish alliance would soon have degenerated into the one-sided affair in which, sooner or later, it was bound to end. 20 Gaelic Confederation That pestiferous upheaval—the " Reformation " —saved us, indeed, for a time; but the frying pan is, proverbially, but an indifferent exchange for the fire. Indeed, it is questionable whether of these two unblushing evils, absorption by France is not to be considered as an eventuality preferable to extinction by England. At all events, when two evils which will noways be denied are clamorously striving for precedence, the wise man, and he that is cunning withal, will endeavour to make a shift with that which hails from the greater distance. Besides, absorption by France would at least have temporarily preserved the faith in Scotland— the loss of which, considered entirely from the political point of view, has wrought so great havoc amongst us, and is the cause of existing weaknesses and follies too numerous and perhaps too painful to mention. But, again, in the troubled history of our country, the die was cast adversely to the Gaelic tradition, and in violent and open opposition to the wishes and inclinations, religious as well as political, of the Gaelic people. The " Reformation " triumphed in the seat of Government, and in the East of Scotland, then more than now (owing to the growth of the great city of Glasgow) the home of political influence and power in Scotland. The English cause, which was closely associated with it, triumphed also; and the two succeeding centuries witnessed the subjugation of the Gàidhealtachd by the English, and the complete absorption of the Lowland tradition by the national measures of the Saxon power- the two principal events which the policy of the "Reformers" in respect of Church and State, the destruction of the French alliance, and the feudal system with its inevitable tendency towards Anglicisation, was Gaelic Confederation 21 bound, in the natural course of political events, sooner or later to bring about. The seeds of national extinction, and, we are inclined to believe, of religious disruption, were sown far back in our history. The fatal policy pursued by our feudal sovereigns, from the reign of David I. downwards, of exploiting the anti-Celtic fringe at the expense of the Gaelic inhabitants of Scotland, the rightful and natural repositories of political power in the country, culminated at last, as all men of wisdom and foresight must have perceived that those unpatriotic measures if unwisely persisted in were obliged, by reason of their very character and tendencies, to terminate, namely in the destruction of the independence of the Scottish crown and people, through the agency either of absorption by England or annexation by France. Nor are these two consequences, dismal and melancholy though they must necessarily be regarded by every individual who has a spark of national pride or a particle of patriotism within him, to be considered as by any means exhausting the capacity for destruction and mischief which seems to have been inherent in that mischievous policy. The turbulence and barbarity of the Scottish nobles, of which the historian justly complains, the corruption and ignorance of the Church, and the lawlessness and ferocity of the common people under the feudal system, were but reflexes of the bitter struggle waged for so many years between the rival races inhabiting Scotland. The feudal sovereigns themselves, thanks entirely to their obstinate devotion to that ruinous and tyrannical system, were for the most part either contemptible puppets in the hands of a few unscrupulous and designing men—mere phantoms in the mist of their ridiculous regal 22 Gaehc Confederation pretensions—or ultimately fell victims to their own unprincipled endeavours to yet further enslave the nation, and to drag their country, whether it wished it or not, still deeper into the mire of that feudalism whose goal and object here, as elsewhere in Europe, were government by " divine right," and the abolition of all constitutional checks and safeguards in favour of tyranny and absolute power. The Gaelic system of Government, imperfect though it was in many ways, and to which Socialism owes all that is best and sanest in it to-day, was the very antithesis of feudalism ; and it is to the efforts of our feudal sovereigns, and to those of the Normans and others imported or invited into this country by them for the purpose of supporting their pretensions to unconstitutional Government and absolute power, that no small part of the evils and miseries which have inflicted, and continue to inflict, our country must be ascribed. The elective principle was the dominating keynote of the Gaelic system; and when that safeguard was removed by the introduction of slavery and feudalism by David, not only was our political development checked and indefinitely postponed, not only were we, the Gaels of Scotland, whose proud name this country bears, and whose whole soil, mountain and river, loch and forest, town and city, is justly and rightfully ours, robbed of our birthright, oppressed, insulted and despoiled, but the whole country was rudely and roughly torn up by the roots, as it were, and forced into a soil which being uncongenial, even repugnant to it, not only arrested its development and prematurely stunted its growth, but produced so luxuriant a crop of disasters, mischiefs and ills as finally choked our unhappy country altogether. Hence no doubt, Gaelic Confederation 23 the stained and sordid page of Scottish story. Hence treasons innumerable and tyranny unspeakable. Hence turbulence, rapine, murder, leagues and bands, covenants, plots and counter-plots. Hence Church corruption and State immorality; hence wars and tumults, risings and feuds, private assassinations and judicial murders ; hence foreign influences, and their attendant evils, partial counsels and unjust laws and ordinances ; and hence, coming more towards our own times, those successive changes and revolutions in Church and State which have robbed us of our independence ; which introduced the English influence, and which find us today little better, when all is said and done, than a conquered province—the English tripper's Mecca or the Saxon sportsman's Paradise ! We have said above that the understanding with Ireland is the measure which every patriotic Gael, whatever his religion or politics, should endeavour to promote ; and we venture to repeat our advice. Would that our feudal sovereigns had seen the matter in the same light, and had acted on the counsel so wisely tendered by Saint Columba who, in the light of the Treaty of Drumcat, must surely be regarded as the Gael's great law-giver. But, with the solitary exception of that rousing patriot and far-seeing statesman King Robert the Bruce, the alliance we advocate was entirely neglected by them. Instead, the Gael of Scotland was treated as an intruder and an enemy within his own gates; and a policy which might have brought prosperity and contentment to both Scotland and Ireland, and confusion and disappointment to our common enemies, was recklessly cast aside for the glitter and tinsel of feudalism and the French alliance. The natural political affections and 24 Gaelic Confederation tendencies of the country were disregarded, and the policy of Scotland forced into a groove which, as all history shows, was peculiarly repugnant to the original owners of the soil; which so long as the crown existed, failed to obtain the sanction and approval of the Gaelic population ; which kept the country in a state of continual discord and confusion, anarchy and bloodshed; which wasted the resources and dissipated the energies of the land in an endless round of feuds and risings; which operated as the curse and blight of our national existence, and which finally left us where we are now, dispossessed and disinherited, landless, poverty-stricken, denationalised and disunited. But, fortunately, gloomy and unspeakably depressing though this picture needs must be in great measure, yet we are not without all hope as regards the future. The recent general election, with which from the purely party point of view this publication is not to be regarded as being any way concerned, if it has proved anything has surely established the fact that the democracy of these Isles is becoming increasingly favourable to the cause of rational national self-government, in spite of the misrepresentation with which those who are hostile to the cause have endeavoured to combat and discredit it. For our own parts, we wish that this great question could be approached from the non-party point of view ; but since the exigencies of party warfare seem to forbid the indulgence of so reasonable a hope, we take this opportunity of saying that in so far as the Liberal programme embraces our cause, and so long as it shall continue favourable to the same, so far, and so long, shall we be favourable to Liberalism. Thanks to that election, and to the great change of feeling which has The Gray Kirk 25 swept over the entire country in respect of what is called Home Rule, the Gaels of Scotland and the Gaels of Ireland have now a unique opportunity presented to them—an opportunity of renewing, strengthening and widening the understanding underlying the famous Treaty of Drumcat, an opportunity of living in history again, of re-establishing the Gaelic tradition, of rejoining and carrying on the long-disconnected threads of our common story, of making the Gaelic cause the cause of Alba -at large (as once it was), of replanting our flag upon the ruins of the Lowland policy, of marching shoulder to shoulder in serried and irresistible array towards the realisation of our great national ambition—the establishment of a great Gaelic-speaking Confederacy of Nations. God grant that the hand of God may still be with us, and against our foes ! God grant that the tide which has now set in so strongly in favour of the Gaels may be taken at the flood—utilised to its utmost, and that there may be no " moaning at the bar " when next the Gael puts out to sea! the gray kirk In a gray valley between hills, shut out from all the world by mist and moors, there lies a village with a little church. The ruined castle in the reedy loch, by which stand herons fishing in the rank growth of flags of bulrush and hemp-agrimony which fringes it, is scarcely grayer than the hills. The outcrop of the stone is gray, the louring clouds, the slated roofs, the shingly river's bed and the clear water of the stream. The very trout that dart between the 26 The Gray Kirk stones, or hang suspended where the current joins the linn, look gray as eels. Green markings on the moors show where once paths the border prickers followed on their wiry nags led towards the south, the land of fatted beeves and well-stored larders, clearly designed by Providence or fate to be the jackman's prey, but long disused, forgotten and grassed over, though with the ineffaceable imprint of immemorial use still clear. Dark, geometrical plantations of black fir and spruce deface the hills, which nature evidently made to bear a coat of scrubby oak and birch. Wire fences gird them round, the posts well tarred against the weather, and the barbed wire so taut that the fierce winds might use them as ^Eolian harps, could they but lend themselves to song. A district which the wildness of the past has so impressed, that the main line of railway steals through its corries and across its moors as it were under protest, and where the curlew mocks the engine's whistle with his wilder cry. The village clusters round the kirk, as bees crowd round their queen, the older houses thatched. Their coping-stones carved with a rope, remain to show how, in the older world, their rustic architects secured their roofs against the blast. No doubt the hamlet grew between the castle and the church. The jackman of the chief, the sacristan and kindly tenants of the church, ready and near at hand to put on splent and spur, and able to take lance or sprig of hyssop in their hand at the first tinkle of the beil or rout of horn. The castle in the loch has dwindled to a pile of stones, from which spring alders, birches and sycamores, whose keys hang yellow in the wind, unlocking nothing but the sadness of the heart, which. The Gray Kirk 27 marks their growth, from the decay of the abandoned keep. A modern mansion set with its shrubberies and paltry planted woods, where once the Caledonian forest sheltered the wild white cattle in its glades, seems out of place in the surrounding gray. Its lodge, with trim-cut laurels and with orcubas and iron gate, run in a foundry from a mould, is trivial, comfortable and modern ; and the low sullen hills appear to scorn it in their fight with time, for they remain unchanged from the bold times of rugging and of rieving, when spearsmen, not a pensioned butler, kept the gate. The crumbling and decayed stone wall, secluding jealously the boggy meadows of the park, shuts off the modern mansion with its electric light, its motor-cars, its liveried servants and its air of castellated meanness, from the old houses huddling in the wynd. They look towards the chapel with its high-pitched roof, its squat round tower with crenellated top and its sharp windows pointed like a lance. It seems to gaze at them, as if it felt they were the only links that time has left, it with its old own world. The eye avoids the modern buildings in the town, the parish church, four square and hideous, with windows like a house, and from the hills falls on the chapel and is satisfied. Only in some old missal, with the illustrations by some monk adscribed to his small round of daily cares, can you behold its equal, as it stands desolate and gray. The chapel of a race of warriors, men dark and gray as is the stone of which its walls are built, once a lone outpost of the great mother fort in Rome, it lingers after them, sheltering their tombs and speaking of their fame. Instinctively one feels that once its doors stood open, just as it were a 28 The Gray Kirk mosque or church in lands where faith continues the whole week, and men pray as they eat or sleep, just when they feel inclined, and naturally as birds. In the green churchyard, whose grassy hillocks wave it like a sea, the long gray tombstones of the undistinguished dead appear like boats that make towards some haven, laying their courses by the beacon of the tower. The church itself floats like a ship turned bottom upwards on the grassy sea. Its voyage is ended, and the men who once clattered in armour in its aisles and through its nave now sleep below its flags. A maimed ritual and a sterner creed prevail, and those who worship in the church have shown their faith by laying down encaustic tiles over the spur-marked stones on which their forebears jangled in their mail. A fair communion table of hewn stone, smug and well-finished and with the wounds upon the bleeding heart all staunched (as one would think), stands where the altar stood, cold and uninteresting, a symbol of the age. Nan ragionam; on every side, lie those who, in their time, carried their wars across the border, and on the bridge at Rome charged on the people who pressed on them, just as they would have charged in Edinburgh, had any other cian presumed to take the croon of the old causeway of the High Street, and brought upon themselves an excommunication from the Pope. Stretched under canopies of stone they lie, looking so grim and so impenitent, that one is sure they must be satisfied with their presentments, if, looking down on their old haunts, they see their images. Many are absent who would have filled a niche right worthily, Tineman and the Black Knight of Jedburgh and others of the The Gray Kirk 29 house, who, in their time, shook Scotland to the core. But in the middle of the aisle, in leaden caskets hooped with iron and padlocked, lie two hearts. One, that of Archibald who belled the cat. The other heart has travelled much, and in its life beat higher with all generous thoughts than any of its race. He who possessed it, or was possessed by it, liked ever better, as he said, to hear the laverocks singing than the cheeping of the mouse. His hands were able, all his adventurous life, to keep his cheeks from scars, as he averred in Seville to the Spanish knight who wondered at their absence from his face. Carrying a heart to Palestine, he fell, not in the Holy Land, but on the frontiers of Granada, that last outpost of the Eastern world. The heart he carried lies at Melrose, and his own, sealed fast in lead, soldered perhaps in some wild camp lost in the Ajaràfè of Sevilla, is the chief ornament of the gray chapel of his race. Set like a ship, the chapel lies in the long waves of sullen hill and moor that roll away towards the south. In its long voyage through the sea of time, crews of wild warriors have clung to it, as their one refuge from the spear of life. Each in their turn have fallen away, leaving it lonely, but still weather-tight and taut; a monument of faith, as some may think, or of good masonry and well-slapped lime, as the profane may say, still sailing on the billowy moors which stretch towards Muir-kirk; so little altered that any one of those who in the past have prayed within its walls, if he returned to a changed world, would cling to it as the one thing he knew. So it drifts on upon its voyage through time. R. B. cunninghame graham. 3° Creidkimh agus Cainnt creidhimh agus cainnt Since our last number was published, the principles on which this publication is conducted (and will continue to be conducted) have been subjected to a good deal of conjecture and criticism on the part of some of our contemporaries in the newspaper press. There appears to be a feeling abroad that a Catholic Review, written by Gaels and in the interests of Gaels, is something in the nature of a " sensation," which time is rapidly changing, or deepening, into a mystery. A critic whose locality need not be specified charged us with starting a propaganda in the interests of the Catholic Church, and being politely informed that that is precisely what we have done, his astonishment and perplexity knew no bounds. The fact that the Catholic Church was here long before the Protestant religion was born or thought of, as the saying goes, does not seem to have occurred to these simple-minded people; and, really, if their attitude and language were not so unreservedly funny, we should be inclined to resent them as a piece of silly impertinence. But it would be indiscreet to quarrel with innocence, when it bears no malice, and is obviously the offspring of an ingenuous mind. There is, too, surely something pathetic about ignorance, when it arises, not from natural causes, but from sheer force of circumstances, and the operation of laws forced on the victim from without. To judge, too, by appearances and by the facts of one's own times, though a popular failing, yet it need not arouse more than a passing resentment. If the heart is sound, the judgment, however whimsical and blundering, can soon be set right. It is your unpleasant person who refuses to be guided by learning, who re- Creidhimh agus Cainnt 3i solutely and obstinately shuts eyes and ears to historical truths, that excites our ridicule, and invites, as he deserves, our censure. Wilful misrepresentation is the snake in the grass which deserves to be " scotched " as soon as sighted. The merely uninformed—the blushing innocent—once he is brought off from his unlearned ways, is the good •cause's best friend. So we desire to deal in no recriminations in respect of the head above mentioned. Its effect is merely to leave us a little sadder, though not wiser, men. For surely it is regrettable that even one Gael should be found a-wondering what a Catholic propaganda should be doing in the Gàidhealtachd. For our own parts, we reserve our astonishment, as our perplexity, for our Presbyterian friends, who have no earthly business at all to be there. We have already touched on the part which the Gael of Scotland played at the " Reformation " ; but in view of the general ignorance on the subject, we conceive we cannot do better than to refer to it again. It is an important subject, because designing people have misrepresented it; whilst others, not a whit less disingenuous, have refrained from mentioning it altogether. We have lately been perusing a number of Gaelic tracts, obligingly furnished to the Gàidhealtachd by the Society for Promoting Christian Knoivledge, not so much for our spiritual edification, as the incautious reader might be disposed to imagine, as with a view to discovering what their authors might have to say on this very subject. Our discoveries have resulted in a series of mares' nests, if the confirming foregone conclusions by so amusing a process may thus be characterised. The means adopted by these authors is simplicity itself. They omit all reference to the 32 Creidhimh agus Cainnt Highlands, and panegyrise John Knox as the embodiment and epitome of all virtues, and as the voice of a unanimous nation. Now, why do they say, in not very good Gaelic, the thing which is not ? Obviously, the answer is easy. Either they do not know about what they are writing (which, perhaps, is the more reasonable, as it certainly is the more charitable, hypothesis), or, being better informed, they are cunning enough not to let the historical cat out of the bag in so open and unguarded a fashion. It may be objected, however, that a Gaelic Protestant tract is hardly competent to discuss questions of history : that space forbids, and that the audience to be addressed is not to be considered as being mightily concerned with such matters. We waive the obvious objections to this point of view, and will take Eachdraidh na h-Eaglaise as guide, counsellor and friend in determining this matter. The volume in question is a somewhat ambitious performance. It begins with the birth of our Blessed Lord and ends, if we remember rightly, with some not very intelligible Church (Protestant) dispute in the Lowlands. The one infinitely solemn and all-important event may not to an unprejudiced reader—to one, at all events, who has not the privilege of " sitting under " any Protestant minister — seem even remotely connected, or even approximately at all appropriately contrasted or united to the other. But no matter. No doubt, it is a simple matter of taste—since neither religious nor profane history can have anything to do with the matter—whether the sublime and the (comparatively) ridiculous can thus be suitably associated. In any event, our point is, that Eachdraidh na h-Eaglaise is equally silent as Creidhimh agus Cainnt 33 to the " Reformation " in the Gàidhealtachd as are the more " popular" productions of the estimable Society above mentioned. Why is this? the reader who is of an inquiring turn of mind will naturally demand. Is this silence upon so vital and momentous an issue part and parcel of the old discreditable policy of " boycotting " the Highlands ? Our answer to this reasonable inquiry is, Certainly not. The author of the Eachdraidh in question was a Gael, and a minister of the Presbyterian Church at that. He was no mean scholar and writer, too, as his, in many respects, well-written history proves ; and the curious reader may take it as certain from us that had his Church had a leg to stand on, historically, and with particular reference to the Highlands, he would have gratefully presented his co-religionists with that support, if, indeed, his regard for truth and fair-play had resisted the vulgar temptation to add to the number. Let us turn from these sources, however, to others, equally Protestant, though more historical, and, no doubt, better known. We have already quoted from Gregory's History on the subject. But we crave the reader's permission to quote him again. He says (p. 186): "Although the Reformation was undoubtedly one of the most important events in Scottish history, yet its progress is to be traced almost exclusively in the history of the Lowlands ; at least the history of the Highlands and Isles presents little that is interesting on this subject. It is not to be supposed, however, that the great Highland barons were slow to follow the example of their Lowland neighbours in seizing the lands and revenues of the Church. On the contrary, the deplorable state in which the Highlands and Isles were found to be, in a religious point of view, at c 34 Creidhimh agus Cainnt the commencement of the seventeenth century, was evidently owing to this cause. But in such proceedings the bulk of the Highland population, if we except the vassals of the Earl of Argyll, seems to have taken little interest, and many of them long continued to adhere, as a portion still do, to the worship of their fathers." The testimony of Lachlan Shaw [History of the Province of Moray), who on almost every page reveals him to be a bigoted Protestant, is to a similar effect. He observes, " upon perusing the ecclesiastical records, it is apparent that the true rational Christian knowledge, which was almost quite lost under Popery, made very slow progress after the Reformation. It was long before ministers could be had to plant the several corners, and particularly the Highlands. In the year 1650 the country of Lochaber was totally desolate, and no Protestant ministers had before that time been planted there. And when the number of ministers increased, very few of them understood the Irish language, and people were settled in the Highlands who were mere barbarians to the people. ... The number of Papists was great. They who professed the Protestant religion retained strong prejudices in favour of the religion of their ancestors," etc. But, indeed, the difficulty experienced in "reforming " the Gaels of Scotland is well known, and eloquent testimony to the tenacity with which our ancestors clung to the faith of their forefathers, long after the more gullible Saxon of Scotland had swallowed the religious and political nostrums of Knox and his faction, is to be found in many a State paper, composed with a view to "civilising" the Gàidhealtachd, of destroying Catholicism, and of banning our language and customs. Even down to Bliadhna Creidhimh agus Cainnt 35 Thearlaich (1745) the Highlands, as a whole, remained staunch and true to their original principles and maxims in Church and State. The spies of the Hanoverian Government in the Gàidliealtachd had but cold comfort to give to their southern employers. The Highlands swarm with " Papists," they tearfully report; " Popery " is everywhere. The priests of our Holy Religion go about openly, instructing the people, encouraging them to remain true to the faith of their forefathers, and administering the rites of the Catholic worship. Everywhere in the Highlands these pious and self-sacrificing men are protected, and warmly and gratefully received. And when we turn from these accounts to the " Memorials," " Reports " and so forth which English statesmen invited, and received, from those who were supposed to understand Gaelic affairs and who were favourable to their "happy" establishment in Church and State, we easily perceive that the general burden of their refrain—their common counsel of despair—consists in urging the twofold maxim: To bring off the Gael from his religion, you must first "civilise" him; that is, suppress his language, and so teach him to become an Englishman. To those who have been behind the scenes, as it were, in this manner, as we have done and are accustomed to do, in quest of historical material wherewith to carry on the great tradition of Gaelic history, there is something infinitely pleasing and encouraging in the frank and candid manner in which the foes of our nationality thus associated religion and language. These " memorialists" write for statesmen's eyes alone, sometimes, perhaps—though they knew it not—merely for the great man's pigeon-holes; for they were a garru- 36 Creidhimh agus Cainnt lous, as well as a rapacious crew, and doubtless, in many cases, exceeding fatiguing reading. But at at least they cultivated the virtue of candour, and so far as spies can justly be said to deserve it, they have merited our gratitude in this respect. They speak openly. They are not shouting from the house-tops with a police reporter below to take notes of their observations, or even confiding their lucubrations to the correspondence columns of a newspaper, wherein, though anonymity may be sanctioned, yet the name, though not necessarily for publication, is requisite as a guarantee of good faith. So they open their minds freely. There is no " hedging " observable in these informers—no unnecessary beating about the bush. A spade is not called " an agricultural implement," but simply and rudely a spade. The dominating idea is plainly to sell—whether for actual pelf or place matters not (the commercial instinct is nakedly there, and is the same)—as much of the rare commodity called truth as the informer can scrape together; and to trust rather to interest, than gratitude, for the resulting measure of "the Patron's" patronage. Hence it is, no doubt, that these State documents furnish so pleasing and edifying reading. Religion and language are the Gael's crimes. Abolish the one and you will destroy the other; and so, indeed, alas ! it has proved in too many cases. There is, of course, nothing particularly new in this point of view. If not as old as the hills, it dates far back in our story. The war between Gael and Saxon, between Catholicism and Cosmopolitanism, is ancient reading. The first we have dealt with elsewhere, in the language appropriate to the theme. The second is now being waged with ever-increasing bitterness and fury all over Creidhimh agus Cainnt 37 the world. It is curious, too, and instructive to note how the importance of language and nationality is being recognised in an ever-ascending scale, wherever our Holy Religion obtains ; and pray name us the place on God's earth where the Sign of the Cross is not raised ? There has just come to our hands a recent copy of La Nouvelle France, a Canadian publication published in the interests of our French-speaking co-religionists in that country, wherein we find an important article entitled, " La langue et la Foi: Pourquoi notre langue est la meilleure gardienne de notre Foi". The author rightly insists that the French language is, amongst French-speaking Canadians, the best guardian of the faith in Canada;1 and his remarks on the cognate case of Ireland—where this truth in regard to the Gaelic language is being rapidly realised —are sympathetic and singularly apposite. In the land of our hearts—in Alba, to wit—treason to religion and treachery to language have done abundant fell work. Temporarily, at all events, the measures so confidently recommended by hireling spies and " memorialists " have triumphed, not, thank God! entirely, but in a measure and to a degree which cannot but be saddening to those who have the best interests of the Gàidhealtachd at heart; who know how grossly our Holy Religion is maligned by interested partisans for their own selfish ends; who are familiar with the social and economic ills which Protestantism has brought in; and who reprobate and deplore the warring of modern Protestant Church factions as something wholly repugnant to the principles of our common 1Just as the Gaelic language is the best guardian of the faith amongst the many thousands of Gaelic-speaking Catholic Gaels in Canada. 38 Creidhimh agus Cainnt Christianity. How long will these things be? How long will it be (we ask) before our blind and misguided fellow-countrymen—our brother Gaels— see eye to eye with us—with the faithful remnant of old Alba; with the many thousands of their expatriated Catholic fellow-countrymen in Canada ; and with the Gaels of Ireland, now so gloriously advancing in the common cause of Creidhimh agus Cainnt—of faith and language ? Our wish—our dream, if the reader prefers it—is for a united Gaeldom; for one faith, for one tongue, for the religion of our forefathers and for the language of our race—for the " sea-divided Gael," a great confederacy : new hopes, new aspirations—a new life and all that such entails. Who will assist us to achieve these great and glorious ends ? There is one other topic on which we propose to make a few observations before bringing these remarks to a close. The Scottish Gael's attachment to the Catholic religion, long after the rest of the country had abandoned it, was accustomed to be ascribed by his enemies to his " superstition, stupidity and ignorance," just as at the present day you will hear foolish English people ascribing to the same cause the Irish Gael's attachment to the faith of his ancestors. This cool assumption of a superior intelligence on the part of English people is characteristic of the race. What they do not hold to is necessarily, in their opinion, not worth the having. The Catholic is "ignorant" and " superstitious " because he is not a Protestant. Than this very elementary form of reasoning, no greater proof, of course, could be adduced of the folly, shallowness and stupidity of the flippant blockheads who indulge in it. They seem to forget, too, that their own dull-witted and lubberly Creidhimh agus Cainnt 39 peasantry is probably the most uninteresting and intellectually unfruitful element in Christendom. That the Gael of Scotland remained Catholic because he "knew no better," is an assertion which is not only false to all history, but which is easily disproved by the statements of contemporary Protestant partisans themselves. Certainly, considering the intellectual state of the Gàidhealtachd under Catholic auspices, and the same thing under Protestant influences, no intelligent Gael of to-day, who yet is a Protestant, can afford to foul his own nest in so shameless and ridiculous a manner. Here is what one of these " memoralists " has to say on this very subject. Writing after the '45, and in condemnation of the prevalence of "Popery" in the Gàidhealtachd, he observes, "whoever knows them (the Gaels of Scotland), and speaks impartially, will acknowledge that there are not any people in our Island more smart and sagacious". Here is somewhat similar testimony. " There are not in any corner of Britain a people of quicker natural parts than they; and we know what fine geniuses they have produced." Another State paper contains the following significant passages: " There is hardly anywhere a more subtle people than they are; and one may find amongst them men who by the oddness of their way of living in their wild remote corners and un-acquaintedness with the manner of the world, seem to be simple, ignorant and blundering, and yet are cunning fellows, and full of address in their negotiations. Generally speaking, they are a people of exceeding good parts and capacity, and very lively. . . . Their wits not being broken with sore labour, are sharpened by discoursing with one another. . . . They are greatly addicted to enquire after news, 40 Oran Sgarba which they do at every person they meet with." Another informer writes in a similar strain, and adds that the Swedes and the Norse, whom he esteems remarkably intelligent, " are not so smart, nor of so quick parts as the Highlanders usually are ". Such were the Gaels of Scotland under Catholic influences. The testimony above quoted is valuable inasmuch as it proceeds from quarters which were hostile to our forefathers' religion and language and to their manners and customs. It shows us a smart, lively, sagacious people of good parts, whose wits were sharp and whose intelligence was obviously great; who were much given to discussion and always eager for news. The Gael of Scott and other Protestant writers is a kind of monstrosity, a half-witted dolt crammed full of the most foolish and childish and degrading superstitions. It is for the Protestant Gael to say which is the true picture; and, Crois Chriosd orinn fèin! we hardly envy him his dilemma. oran sgarba [Chaidh an dàn so a leanas a sgrìobhadh le Alasdair Dòmhnullach, ris an abrar 'sa Bheurla Sandie Ashtree, a thug iomadh bliadhna 'na dhor-sair do na Manaich ann an Cille Chinmein. Dh'eug Alasdair o chionn ghoirid, agus e gle aosmhor, agus fo mhòr spèis aig gach aon a chur eòlas air. Chaidh an dàn so a sgrìobhadh 'nuair a bha Alasdair a' fuireach anns an Eilean Sgarba.] Fonn:— 'Gheola dhubh air barr an t-sruth, 'S e 'gheola dhubh fo 'h-aodach, 'Gheola dhubh air barr an t-sruth, Gu fulangach ri gaoith. Oran Sgarba 'S i 'tighinn leis na litrichean, 'S i 'tighinn leis na daoine, 'S i 'tighinn leis na litrichean, Gach fios a tha ri fhaotainn. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Mac Pharlain's e 'ga stiùir dhuinn, 'S muir ghorm ri èirigh, 'S e 'tighinn a nall gu Sgarba leinn, Gur earbsach bhithinn fèin as. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Tha Dughal òg cho misneachail, 'S deagh sgiobair 'nuair a dh'fheumas, Gu'n toireadh e gu cala sinn Ged bhiodh e'n geall le seideadh. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. As dar bhitheadh lan Mac Lachlainn ann Gur baigheach leam ri mo thaobh e, Cha bhiodh geilt no curam orm Le stiùir bhi 'n làimh an laoich ud. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Gur tric chaidh mise Lunga, Leis a'gheola dhubh 'san togradh, Bhiodh Maggie Brown gu furanach, Cur cuireadh orm daonnan. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Dar chaidh mi sìos gu Fladda, Bha catterich (?) 'na 'h-aodann, Bha Dughal a' sìor àithn' orm, Na ràimh 'chuir 'n àite aodaich. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Oran Sgarba Dar chaidh mi Bhial na h-uamha, Bha gaoth à tuath 'si beucaich, Na sruthan bha iad uamhasach. Na cuartagan ag èirigh. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Dar chaidh mi suas gu Garbhallach Bha 'n fhairg' le feirg ag èirigh, Thuirt Mac-an-Lèigh ged eòlach e, " Tha 'n Dòmhnullach 'na eigin ". 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Sin dar labhair Caristiona : " Tha thuigs' agam mu dheighinn, Cha ghabh mi fhèin mo storas, Ma 'se 'n Dòmhnullach a gheilleas ". 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Ged's iargalta bharr cladaich e, Na gabhadh sibh bonn curaim, Nach dean a' Gheola calla dheth, Le Alasdair 'ga stiùireadh. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. An àm bhi 'tilleadh dhachaidh leatha, Gu'm b'astarach mo dheidh, 'Dhol tarsuinn Coire Bhreacain, Cha'n fhaic i le beum sleibhe. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Dar ràinig mise m' acarsaid, 'Us ghabh mi beachd gu geur oirre, Bha 'h-uile sparr 'us ball 'us seòl Bha innte 'n òrd' mar teudan. 'Gheola dhubh, etc. Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 43 who is "righ na h-alba"i Upon the death, in 1034, of that great prince, Malcolm II., the direct male line of Kenneth Mac Alpin became extinct; but, as Bobertson observes in his Scotland under Her Early Kingsr "the rights of the royal race, originally inherited through the female line, were transmitted in the-same manner through heiresses to the two great families of Atholl1 and Moray, whose disputes for the crown were destined to become as fruitful a source of strife and bloodshed as the sanguinary struggle between their immediate ancestors, or the earlier feuds between the lines of Constantine and Aodh". It must be remembered that, according to the rule of alternate succession hitherto observed amongst the Gaels of Scotland, and abundant traces of which we find amongst the Gaels of Ireland, the next king after Malcolm's death ought to have been chosen from the family of his predecessor, Kenneth III. Malcolm, however, determined to set aside the Gaelic rule of succession in favour of his own family, and, after the death of Boedhe (Kenneth's son), he conspired and accomplished the assassination of the latter's heir, whose name is unknown to history, but who, the last male representative of his race, was probably Tanist or heir-apparent to the throne after the death of his father, the above-mentioned Boedhe. Malcolm himself had no son, but the removal of his rivaVs heir left the succession to the throne open to his grandson Duncan, who, accordingly, in the year JThe family which subsequently described itself as De Atholia. The Eobertsons of Struan are of this family. 44 Who is " Righ na h-Alba " ? 1034, ascended the throne of the Ard-Eigh of Scotland, immediately after the assassination at Glamis, in Forfarshire, of his grandfather King Malcolm. Boedhe, however, left a daughter, Gruach, who, by her marriage with Gilcomgan, the son of Mal-bridge Mac Ruaidhri, Mormaer or, as the Irish annalists style him, King of Moray, carried the claims of her house, after the death of her brother, into that family. In 1032 Gilcomgan, Mormaer of Moray, was surprised and burnt in his rath or fortress with fifty of his immediate followers, leaving, however, an infant son, Lulach (by his wife Gruach), who, after the death of Boedhe's son—at the hands or at the instigation of Malcolm II.—became the sole remaining representative of the line of Kenneth III. Gruach, the widow of Gilcomgan, eventually married Mac Beth (the slayer of Duncan and future King of Alba) who had succeeded Gruach's late husband, and his own cousin, in the Moray Mor-maership. Mac Beth, consequently, besides being husband to Gruach, became the guardian of the infant Lulach, and the representative, during the minority of the latter, of his claims upon the crown of Scotland. Duncan, the heir and successor of his grandfather, Malcolm II., was the son of Bethoc (eldest daughter to Malcolm) by Crinan, lay-Abbot of Dunkeld, and, before his accession to the throne of the Ard-Eìgh, had been appointed ruler of the dependent province of Strath Clyde. The murder of the youthful Duncan by his rival Mac Beth is too well known to require more than a few passing references. It is scarcely necessary to observe that the Shakespearian version of that Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 45 tragedy is, historically, highly inaccurate. The " meek and hoary Duncan" was really an inexperienced stripling. Mac Beth himself probably struck the fatal blow in " the smith's bothy " near Elgin, to which the ill-starred Prince had retired for a little much-needed rest and refreshment after his sore flight from the North, where his army had been hopelessly crushed by the Lochlannach jarl, Thorfin. The Shakespearian " thanes," borrowed, of course, from the historical romances of Boece and other later sources, were non-existent. Even the Scotland of Malcolm III. knew nothing of them; and in many other respects, which need not here be particularised, the historical details of the great English dramatist's great drama are open to serious historical objection. Nor is it necessary, strictly considering the writer's purpose in composing this paper, to enter upon any discussion touching the personal and other qualities of Mac Beth. Suffice it to say that he seems to have been an excellent ruler, and that the " white-washers'" art cannot justly be said to have been exercised to any real and lasting effect so long as so promising a " subject" as the usurping Mormaer of Moray remains unexperimented upon. "The historical Mac Beth," says Mr. Eobertson, " appears to have been an able monarch . . . for his reign has been handed down in tradition as an era of fertility and prosperity—generally a sign of the ability of the ruler; and he is recorded with his queen among the earliest benefactors of the Culdee Society of Lochleven." St. Berchan observes of him:— "After slaughter of Gael, after slaughter of Galls (foreigners) The liberal King will possess Fortrenn. 46 Who is " Righ na h-Alba " ? The red one was fair, yellow,1 tail; Pleasant was the youth to me. Brimful was Alba east and west, During the reign of the fierce red one."2 In 1058, Mac Beth was slain at Lumphanan in Aberdeenshire, whereupon Lulach the Simple became Ard-Righ of Alba. The son of the murdered Duncan, however (Malcolm), soon removed from his path the remaining obstacle to his accession to the throne. Lulach was betrayed into the hands of his enemy at a place called Essie, on the confines of Banffshire and Aberdeenshire, where his violent death put an end for a time to the struggle between the rival houses of Moray and Atholl. During the long reign of Calum A'Chinn Mhòir (1058-1093), Moray remained comparatively quiet. "The deaths of Mac Beth and of his successor Lulach," says Mr. Robertson, " had crushed, without -extinguishing, the hopes of the rival family; but though their pretensions were again revived by Lulach's son, Malsnechtan, fortune continued adverse to the men of Moray, and a sanguinary and decisive victory" gained by Malcolm still further ¦depressed the balance of power in favour of the reigning family. Malsnechtan, however, survived his overthrow to " die in peace " a few years afterwards (1085), "when," observes Mr. Robertson, " the title of ' King of Moray,' conferred upon him by the Irish annalist, implies (if correct) a partial independence; but as there can be no doubt about the foundation of Mortlach before the date of his death, the surrounding territory must have been 1 Yellow-haired: yellow hair was much esteemed by the Gaels. 2 Celtic Scotland, vol. i., p. 406. Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 47 by that time annexed to the crown; and the influence of the Moray family must henceforth have been confined to the westward of the Spey ". Upon the death of Malsnechtan, in 1085, the Moray principality and the claims of that family to the throne of Scotland, passed to his sister whose name is unknown, and whose husband, Aodh, became, in right of his wife, Mormaer, or as he appears in charters of the period, " Earl" of Moray. Nothing is known of the parentage of this Aodh (a favourite and common name, as Dr. MacBain justly observes, amongst the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland), a circumstance which will be duly discussed in its proper place. Aodh seems to have made at least one attempt to establish his wife's title to the throne, but being badly defeated by Alexander I. (1107-1124) it is doubtless to that circumstance that we must ascribe the appearance of his name in royal charters belonging to the reign of Alexander, and to the early years of that of his successor David (1124-1153). By the daughter of Lulach, Aodh, Mormaer of Moray, had a son Angus, who in the reign of David I. and after the death of his father, fought the disastrous battle of Strickathrow (1130), in which Angus himself perished, together with a great number of the men of Moray and the Mearns, his followers. The battle, which was fought in support of the hereditary policy of the Moray family, and the death of the Mormaer, are thus alluded to in the Irish annals : " Battle (1130) between the men of Alban and the men of Moray, in which fell four thousand of the men of Moray, with their King Oengus, son of the daughter of Lulag ; a thousand also of the men of Alban in heat of battle ". The event is also alluded to by the Saxon Chronicle 48 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? which, under the same date, has the following: " In this year Anagus was slain by the Scots army, and there was a great slaughter made with him". Orderic Vital (quoted by Skene) further confirms this account in a narrative which has every appearance of truth. " Malcolm," he says, " a bastard son of Alexander (the late king), attempted to deprive his uncle of the crown, and involved him in two rather severe contests; but David, who was his superior in talent as well as in wealth and power, defeated him and his party. In the year of our Lord 1130, whilst King David was ably applying himself to a cause in King Henry's court and carefully examining a charge of treason which, they say, Geoffrey de Clinton had been guilty of, Angus Earl of Moray with Malcolm and five thousand men, entered Scotia (or Scotland proper) with the intention of reducing the whole kingdom to subjection. Upon this Edward, the son of Siward Earl of Mercia in the time of King Edward, who was a cousin of King David, and commander of his army, assembled troops and suddenly threw himself in the enemy's way. A battle was at length fought in which Earl Angus was slain, and his troops defeated, taken prisoners or put to flight. Vigorously pursuing the fugitives with his soldiers elated with victory, and entering Morafia or Moray, now deprived of its lord and protector,1 he obtained by God's help possession of the whole of that large territory." So far the history of the Moray Mormaership, and of the high claims connected therewith, present little difficulty in the way of their historical elucida- 1The italics are my own. The significance of this statement will subsequently appear. Who is " Righ na h-Alba " ? 49 tion. We now however approach a period of considerable doubt and obscurity, in dealing with which it will be necessary to proceed with the utmost caution and circumspection. Angus, Mormaer or Earl of Moray, was slain, as has already been said, at Strickathrow; and, dying without issue, the Mormaership failing heirs would of necessity revert to the people of Moray, in accordance with Gaelic law and immemorial custom, instead of returning to the King, as under the feudal system (which affirmed the sovereign to be the sole source of all honour), and had it been a feudal dignity, it must needs have done.1 It is asserted, however, by Robertson and Dr. MacBain that Angus had a brother Malcolm, who, upon the former's death in 1130, inherited the claims of the Moray family, and even continued the war against David for a period of four years after his brother's death and overthrow in Forfarshire. Frightened, however, by the magnitude of David's preparations, in view of the Moray Mor-maer's unseasonable obstinacy, the supporters of the latter, it is asserted, tiring of the war and becoming alarmed for their safety, treacherously delivered Malcolm Mac Aodh into the hands of David. " He was at once despatched," says Robertson, " to the castle of Roxburgh, and David, in the full determination of eradicating every trace of his enemies, declared the whole Earldom (of Moray) forfeited to the crown."2 1It is proper to observe here that the peerage of Moray created in favour of Randolph, the friend and supporter of Robert the Bruce, as that which was bestowed at a later date on Lord James Stuart, by Queen Mary, have nothing whatever to do with the title under discussion. It is necessary to bear this distinction in mind in view of what follows. 81134. 5o Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 51 But before we proceed to discuss the authenticity of his version it is necessary that I should here interrupt the thread of my narrative in order to bring upon the historical stage yet another character, in the shape and person of the impostor Wymund, Bishop of Man. " The battle of Strick-athrow," says Skene, "was followed a few years after by one of the strangest incidents which occur in the history of Scotland at that period. It is obviously alluded to by Ailred in his eulogium upon King David, when, on telling us that 'God gave David the affection of a son amid scourgings, that he should not murmur or backslide, but should give thanks amid scourgings,' he adds : ' These were his (David's) words when God sent as a foe against him a certain spurious bishop, who lied and said he was the Earl of Moray's son,' and again, ' that the Lord had scourged with the lies of a certain monk that invincible king who had subdued unto himself so many barbarous nations, and had without great trouble triumphed over the men of Moray and the islands'. Wymund, whose extraction is obscure, but who probably hailed from Skye,1 upon being raised to the See of Man, appears to have allowed his ambition to get the better alike of his veracity as of a proper sense of what was due to his ecclesiastical status, for he boldly declared himself to be a son of Aodh Earl of Murray, assembled a band of iOn this point Robertson quotes Newburgh, who says Wymund was born at some obscure spot in England, and that he pretended to be a son of the Earl of Moray; but Newburgh (says Skene) seems to have known nothing certain about his earlier history. "Wymund himself says in his profession quoted by Stubbs : " Ego Wymundus sanctce ecclesice de Schid " or Skye —which possibly accounts for the following he subsequently got in Moray and the Isles. followers, dropped the name by which he had hitherto been known in favour of that of Malcolm Mac Aodh, and declared war against the high King of Scotland. His claim (says Skene) appears to have been recognised as genuine by the Norwegian King of the Isles, and by Somerled the Celtic regulus of Argyll, whose sister he married. ' Every day (says William of Newburgh) he was joined by troops of adherents, among whom he was conspicuous above all by the head and shoulders : and like some mighty commander he inflamed their desires. He then made a descent on the provinces of Scotland, wasting all before him with rapine and slaughter; but whenever the royal army was despatched against him he eluded the whole warlike preparation, either by retreating to distant forests, or taking to the sea; and when the troops had retired, he again issued from his hiding-places to ravage the provinces.'" It will be observed that in the foregoing account of Wymund's proceedings William of Newburgh gives us a particular description of the personal appearance of the militant Bishop.1 He is tail, so much so that he "was conspicuous above all by the head and shoulders". Consequently, if there was really a "Malcolm Mac Aodh" existing at that time who had been present at the battle of Strickathrow but who was now, according to Robertson and others, languishing in prison, the respective identities of the two men could have been easily established. 1 " His jovial countenance and ready eloquence, his stalwart frame and commanding stature . . . marked him out as a fit leader for an ignorant and excitable multitude, though scarcely in the capacity of a Bishop."—Robertson. (The italics in the above quotation are my own.) 52 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? Either we must assume that Wymund was the alter ego of the alleged Malcolm, which does not seem probable, or that the Moray and Isles men, knowing the Bishop to be an impostor, yet accepted him, temporarily, for what he was worth to forward their own political ends. It is not denied by the supporters of the Malcolm Mac Heth theory that Wymund attempted to impersonate a son of the Earl of Moray—Malcolm, to wit. Why, then, was not Malcolm, if he existed, taken out of prison and at once confronted with the impostor Wymund? It is obvious that a simple measure of this sort (the necessity of which the active, shrewd and fertile brain of David should surely have been the first to recognise) would immediately have pricked the Bishop's bubble. We do not read, however, that anything of the kind was done. On the contrary, the supposed Malcolm is kept jealously in prison (by Messrs. Robertson and MacBain); the King engages in a costly, dangerous and difficult war, which at one time seemed about to come near to costing him his throne, and the pretended Mormaer of Moray is suffered to go, literally, scot-free, plundering, burning and slaying, forming important and highly political matrimonial connections, and setting the whole country by the ears; whilst all the time the living person he is impudently impersonating is securely lodged in gaol! For what intelligible reason did David suffer affairs to come to so extraordinary a pass ? In view of the theories of the historians above mentioned we may well address to ourselves this significant and highly pregnant question. The answer to it, so far as it concerns David and the part he played throughout the Moray "rebellion" of Wymund, will certainly not be found in history. Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 53 The rest of the Moray career of Wymund and his subsequent fate must now be sketched in the briefest manner possible. After a fruitless invasion of Galloway, where he sustained a serious check, Wymund appears to have renewed his onslaughts upon Scotland proper, from his former coign of vantage in the Isles and the neighbouring countries. At last, however, he was taken prisoner (1134) and subsequently confined (1137)1 in the castle of Roxburgh, where, it is pleasant to think, the society of "Malcolm, the real Earl of Moray," may have conspired to mitigate in some measure the rigours and sorrows of captivity. David died in 1153 and Malcolm, his grandson, reigned in his stead. The rule of this prince, however, was not at first popular with his Gaelic subjects, and in 1154 the Moray and Isles men again rose in revolt. Somerled, the Mormaer of Argyll, invaded Scotland at the head of a large army, and associated with him in this desperate enterprise were the two sons of Wymund by the sister of the Argyll ruler. " The civil war," says Skene, " had lasted three years when, in the year 1156, Donald, the eldest son of Malcolm (Wymund) was taken prisoner at Whitherne, in Galloway, by some of Malcolm's (the King's) adherents and delivered over to him, when he was imprisoned in the castle of Marchmont (or Roxburgh) along with his father. Somerled, however, continued the war, and Malcolm found it expedient to neutralise the 1 The King seems to have come to terms with Wymund, for instead of being straightway incarcerated "the Bishop," says Mr. Bobertson, " was bought off by a grant of Furness in Westmoreland, where for a short time the Bishop played the tyrant with impunity ". His misdeeds at Furness were doubtless the cause of his imprisonment in 1137. 54 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? support he received from those who still adhered to the cause of Malcolm Mac Aodh by coming to terms with him. Accordingly he liberated Malcolm (Wymund) in the following year (1157). William of Newburgh tells us that he (the King) ' gave him a certain province, which suspended the incursion he had instigated'. There is good reason for thinking that this province was the Earldom of Ross." The Earldom of Ross it undoubtedly was, and Skene's conjectures that the King may have made him a present of that title because it was connected with a " remote district over which the sovereign could exercise but little authority," and in the hope that his prisoner " might expend his turbulent energy there with impunity," seems probable enough, especially when we consider the Bishop's restless, aspiring and warlike character. Wymund's proceedings as Earl of Ross were, indeed, truly of a piece with that which we already know about him ; for William of Newburgh, the same authority, be it observed, to whom we are indebted for the leading facts in the career of this most singular adventurer, tells us that "whilst he was proudly proceeding through his subject-province, surrounded by his army like a King, some of the people who were unable to endure either his power or his influence, with the consent of their chiefs1 laid a snare for him ". " Obtaining," says Skene, " a favourable opportunity when he was following slowly and almost unattended a large party which he had sent forward to procure entertainment, they 1 This obviously implies that Wymund was what we should nowadays term an " outsider". If, as MacBain contends, " Malcolm Mac Aoidh " was first Earl of Eoss, his distinguished race and high claims should at least have preserved him from such barbarities. Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 55 took and bound him and deprived him of both his eyes and otherwise mutilated him." " Afterwards he came to us," says William of Newburgh, "and quietly continued there many years till his death. But he is reported even then to have said that had he only the eye of a sparrow his enemies should have little occasion to rejoice at what they had done to him." Such is Newburgh's account of the misfortunes which befel Wymund as Earl of Ross. Mr. Robertson, however, in order, presumably, to make his theory square with Newburgh's statements, suppresses the Ross creation altogether, and brings Wymund's public career to a close at Furness in Westmoreland !1 "At length," he says, " the people of the neighbourhood, whose patience was worn out by his exactions, watching their opportunity, seized upon him in an unguarded moment, and the luckless Wymund, to whom no mercy was shown, was deprived of his see and passed the remainder of his life, sightless and cruelly maimed, in the monastery of Biland. No sufferings, however, could subdue the reckless spirit of the man who was wont to boast with a laugh . . . that if his enemies had only left him as much sight as a sparrow's eye he would have shown them how little cause they had for triumph." It is instructive to turn at this conjuncture from Mr. Robertson in 1It is a pity that Mr. Robertson did not condescend to explain what Wymund was doing "proudly proceeding through his subject-province surrounded by his army like a King " in the capacity of a Bishop and in the neighbourhood of Furness in Westmoreland ! Why, also, if he was merely " bought off by a grant of Furness in Westmoreland," was the consent of chiefs necessary before the contemplated barbarities could be committed upon him ? 56 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? order to quote Dr. MacBain on the same subject. In the latter's Excursus and Notes to Skene's Highlanders, under the head of Mac Heth, we find the following: " Much nonsense has been written about Malcolm Mac Heth (Mac Aoidh), whose life-story is complicated by the fact that an impostor, Wymund, Bishop of Man, tried to act his part. . . . Earl Ed is one of David's seven earls and was, of course, Earl of Moray. He was married to King Lulach's daughter and was thus father of Angus, Earl of Moray, slain in 1130. Malcolm Mac Heth was another son of Aed and continued the war. . . . Malcolm Mac Heth was reconciled to the King in 1157 and made Earl of Ross. The impostor's share in the whole story is not clear." In a further note appended to his Excursus Dr. MacBain observes: " The first Earl of Ross was Malcolm Mac Heth. . . . His real due was the suppressed Earldom of Moray: he only got the (easter) Ross part of it. He seems to have behaved badly and probably plotted to get back the old earldom."1 The discrepancies existing between these two accounts— those, respectively, of Robertson and MacBain— xl have already referred to the reasons which probably prompted the Ceann Mòr dynasty to come to terms with Wymund the second time; but these reasons would certainly not hold good in the case of a captive Earl of Moray even although he should have been "bought off" with only "the eastern" part of his rightful territory. That Malcolm should have returned " Malcolm Mac Aoidh " to Moray after all the trouble and expense he had put his predecessor to in suppressing that Mormaership seems to me, at all events, incredible. The Moray men, moreover, whose passionate and persistent attachment to the family of their Mormaers under the most discouraging circumstances is one of the most remarkable features of early Scottish history, are hardly likely to have treated a genuine son of that distinguished house in the cruel and shameful manner described by Newburgh. Who is "Righ na h-Alba" ? 57 will be apparent to the reader at little more than a glance. The former says nothing about the Ross «arldom. The latter accepts it. Dr. MacBain's Allusion to the " bad behaviour" of Wymund as Earl of Ross is an obvious reference to the indignities practised on the luckless impostor by his hostile vassals, and as such cannot be regarded otherwise than as inconsistent with that part of Mr. Robertson's narrative which involves the important omission of the Ross dignity, and which concerns the misapplied quotation concerning the conduct and conversation of Wymund under the cruelties to which the Bishop (as Earl of Ross) had been subjected. Before, however, concluding this branch of my topic, which I propose to do by adding some further observations that have occurred to me in the course of investigating this singular mystery, I now propose to discuss the grounds on which Mr. Robertson has constructed the singular theory so often referred to throughout these remarks. In a note to page 221 of his Scotland under Her Early Kings he says: "It is singular how Wymund has been confounded by nearly every historian down to the present day with Malcolm Mac Heth. Newbridge (or Newburgh) who relates his adventures at length, and also had often seen him in his blindness and captivity at Biland, merely says that he was born at some obscure spot in England and pretended to be " a son of the Earl of Moray. . . . It can be clearly shown that Wymund and Mac Heth were totally different persons. Malcolm Mac Heth . . . was captured in 1134,1 and con- lBut he was not confined in Roxburgh Castle till 1137. What Wymund was doing between those dates has already been shown. Mr. Robertson's statement makes it appear that 58 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? fined in Roxburgh Castle until 1157, when he was liberated by Malcolm IV. and attested1 one of the Dunfermlyn charters. Wymund could not have gone to Rushen at the very earliest before the year of its foundation, 1134 ; he was a monk before that date, and could not have been made Bishop until after the imprisonment of Mac Heth. From an entry in Wendover under 1151, 'eodem anno Johannes . . . factus est secundus antistes Monse insulse. Primus autem ibi fuerat episcopas Wimundas . . . sed propter ejus importunitatem privatus fuit oculus et expulsas,' it may be gathered that the career of Wymund was brought to a close at least six years before the liberation of Mac Heth, and the Bishop of Man, who probably enacted his singular vagaries about 1150, may have personated the son, the brother, the nephew, or the real claimant of the Earldom—or even that very claimant 2—but it is impossible to identify him with the Wymund was sent to gaol as soon as taken, which was not the case. He was, as it were, enlarged on his own recognisances to come up for judgment if called on. He failed to behave properly and his original sentence was confirmed in 1137. 1 As Earl of Boss. 2 The question here naturally arises whom did Wymund impersonate? We have already seen that Newbridge says that the Bishop pretended to be "a son of the Earl of Moray". Ailred'a words are to a similar effect: " God sent as a foe against him (David) a certain spurious Bishop, who lied, and said he was the Earl of Moray's son ". It will be observed that Ailred makes no mention of Malcolm, the supposed brother of Angus and son of Mac Aoidh, either as an enemy of David or in any other connexion. Consequently Mr. Robertson's conjectures may safely be dismissed as superfluous. Somerled gave Wymund his sister in marriage, either believing that the latter was indeed the rightful heir of Moray, or that his pretensions as such, though spurious, yet would pass muster. Was there ever a legitimate son of Mac Aoidh who bore the name of Malcolm ? I am inclined to think not. The Irish annals simply say (under date 1130) Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 59 solitary captive in Roxburgh Castle without attributing to one or both ubiquity." With regard to these remarks, it has to be observed in the first place that the Cistercian Monastery of Furness was founded in the year 1124, not in 1134, as stated by Robertson; consequently his assertion that Wymund " could not have been made Bishop (of Man) until after the imprisonment of Mac Heth," loses its point. The discrepancy of ten years between the real date of the foundation of the monastery and the one incorrectly ascribed to it is more than sufficient to cover the period that a battle was fought between the men of Alban and the men of Moray in which King Angus fell. The Saxon Chronicle says that it was Angus, not Malcolm, as stated by Robertson, who was " all forsworn," and who was killed in battle. Oderio gives the same information, adding that Moray, now deprived of its lord and protector, viz., Angus, fell into the hands of the Scottish King—a remark which he neither could nor should have made had " Malcolm Mac Aoidh " been present at the battle and survived it, as Robertson imagined he did; for on his brother's death he would have at once become "lord and proteotor" of Moray, and in that capacity would have continued the war. It is possible that Mac Aoidh had either a bastard son called Malcolm, or a legitimate son so named who predeoeased his brother Angus. Wymund may have had some grounds in fact on which to erect his pretensions; but it has to be observed that cases in which bold and unscrupulous adventurers of the Wymund type have successfully passed themselves off as the living embodiments of purely imaginary characters are by no means infrequent in history, especially in times of obscurity and confusion and under disputed successions to crowns and other high offices. Wymund himself, since his extraction is obscure, may have been that very bastard. Skene thinks (p. 463) that Wymund designed to pass as a son of Angus, slain 1130, which of course is possible, if we regard the patronymic Mac Heth or Mac Aoidh merely as a kind of surname serving loosely to identify and indicate the olaims of the family to the Moray Mormaership and through it to the throne of Scotland. But in any event, every authority is agreed that Wymund was an impostor, whether connected with the family or not. 6o Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? of Wymund's novitiate and his later elevation to the bishopric, and to bring this epoch of his adventurous life into chronological harmony with the subsequent events in the impostor's career. With regard to the entry in Wendover, it is obviously inaccurate, unless indeed we are to suppose that the Earl of Ross and the Bishop of Man, being different individuals, yet both committed exactions, and both suffered the loss of their eyes. But even so, the extract in question will not be found on examination to be of very much assistance to our credulity; for it informs us that it was whilst he was Bishop of Man that Wymund was expelled and deprived of his eyesight—a version of his "life-story" which is altogether opposed to the true facts of the case, and need not be further discussed. By those who are of the opinion of Mr. Robertson and Dr. MacBain, a good deal has been made of the point that both Somerled and the Lochlannach King of the Outer Isles believed that Wymund was no impostor, or rather, that the person who came to them describing himself as Malcolm Mac Heth was indeed a son of the Earl of Moray. They say that Somerled would not have given him his sister in marriage and otherwise showed his confidence in the genuineness of his claims, had he not been perfectly satisfied that the person he was so honouring was truly the individual he represented himself to be. This view, however, strikes me as being more creditable to the hearts of those who support it than it can justly be said to be flattering to their heads. Somerled was an ambitious prince, and no more scrupulous, we may safely assume, than the vast majority of his political contemporaries in whom such a quality as over- do is "Righ na h-Alba"? 61 sensitiveness in respect of conscience was not, to say the least of it, conspicuously to be found. Somerled's position, the result mainly of his own almost superhuman exertions, was necessarily, besides being " new " in the sense of being of recent acquisition, somewhat precarious. He was between two fires, as it were. He had the King of Scotland on the one flank and the King of the Norwegian settlements (whom he had previously worsted in warfare) on the other, neither of whom, we may reasonably conclude, could have regarded his growing power and extending territories with either pleasure or unconcern. An alliance, therefore, with the representative or with one who passed, or, whatever his birth and the quality of his pretensions, was capable of passing as such, of the great Gaelic power of the mainland was an alliance eminently to be courted and favoured. The Moray "Mormaer " would prove a valuable ally, or failing that, a useful diversion; for it is not to be supposed that Somerled's great design of conquering Alba and of seizing the throne of the Ard-Righ for himself had not already taken shape, at all events as regarded its principal features and leading characteristics, in that bold and fertile mind. He, accordingly, received the adventurer with open arms; gave him his benison and his sister in marriage, supplied him with munitions of war and with men, and finally sent him about his business fondly hoping, no doubt, that in the event of his protèg&s falling in battle—no unlikely contingency—or his being despatched by his own followers, in consequence of his tyrannical and overbearing disposition, the reversion of the great Moray Mormaership, together with all its power and influence, might yet 62 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? fall into his hands.1 To readers of English history the striking parallel presented between the achievements and career of the impostor Wymund, and those respectively of Lambert Simnel and Perkin Warbeck in the reign of Henry VII., will at once be apparent. The resemblance is so striking as to suggest the thought that possibly these two adventurers, or what is more probable, their prompters, aiders and abettors, had this very case of Wymund in mind when, in a later period and in a different country, they were casting about for tools—for means and ways—whereby to accomplish their political ends. Lambert Simnel, the son of a joiner in Oxford, was the first of these adventurers. He impersonated the Earl of Warwick, who, at the time of Simnel's first appearance upon the stage of English history, was a prisoner in the Tower of London, but who, so the pretender and his friends asserted, had previously succeeded in making his escape therefrom. To prevent the English from becoming Simnel's dupes and followers, the ready-witted and astute Henry at once produced the real Earl, paraded him through the streets of the capital, and by these means effectually prevented his subjects from joining the standard of the impostor. Simnel, however, fled to Ireland (just as Wymund had fled to the Isles), where he was kindly received, 1 In some measure, Somerled was successful in securing this important reversion to his own house. He supported the children of Wymund, and on the collapse of the Moray power, the Lords of the Isles stand forth in Scottish history as the great protagonists of the Gaelic race—the original possessors of the soil of this country. With their final forfeiture in the reign of James V. the " Gaelic Tradition " suffered a temporary eclipse. But the " Celtic Benaissance " of our own days, if it means anything at all, means both here and in Ireland the renewal of this struggle, and, let us hope, ultimately, the long-delayed triumph of the Gael. Who is " Righ na h-Alba" ? 63 and his pretensions endorsed for obvious political reasons, if not because his Irish supporters believed in him. Eventually Simnel is taken, and instead of being executed is " bought off" by the gift of a post in the king's kitchen!1 The other adventurer, Perkin Warbeck, plays the same role, with the difference, however, that he pretends to be Richard of York (son to Edward IV.), whose murder is ascribed on what seem good historical grounds, to Richard III. Perkin also goes to Ireland to beat up recruits for his standard, and subsequently visits the Court of James of Scotland, where he is most hospitably received, his pretensions at first declared to be just even by the King himself, and a daughter of one of whose principal noblemen he marries ! Ultimately Warbeck, like Simnel, falls on evil days. He is captured by the King of England and lodged in the Tower, in which, had he not attempted to effect his escape, and thereby forfeited his life, he might yet be living, to end the story in the approved Gaelic fashion. The resemblance between these two cases and that of Wymund need not be further insisted on, in view of what has been stated above, but a nearer examination of their respective details could not but strengthen and confirm, I imagine, the singular impression to which the reader's attention has already been called. 1 The lenient treatment meted out to Wymund is ascribed by Bobertson to the impostor's ecclesiastical character and status which, considering David's and, indeed, all the Ceann Mòr dynasty's reputation for piety and regard for the Church, seems reasonable enough. R. E. (To be continued.) 64 Gaelic Arts and Crafts gaelic arts and crafts ARCHITECTURE III. APPLIED PRINCIPLES Mr. Charles Moore in his recently published work on the Character of Renaissance Architecture asserts that there are but three "entirely consistent and distinctive styles "—the Gothic, the Greek and the Byzantine. "All other varieties of architecture may (he says) be broadly divided into two classes, the one consisting of buildings of transitional character, and comprising all organic and progressive types of Romanesque, and the other composed of styles made up of mixed elements now in process of organic fusion." Personally, I am inclined to agree with Mr. Moore, whose uncompromising and strenuous views, however, have perhaps inevitably exposed him to the attacks of a swarm of protesting critics. The popular feeling in regard to styles is undoubtedly one of universal toleration, architects being allowed to borrow from almost any source they fancy, provided the general effect be pleasing to the eye of a too often uncritical, uninformed and undiscriminating public. It is obvious, however, that this blending of styles and periods is open to serious objections and disadvantages from the point of view of art. The temptation to borrow becomes a kind of mania ; the eclectic faculty is too often exercised at the expense of purity and good taste, and with so little of the latter abroad, it is not surprising that architecture in this country, and all over the British Isles, should be at very low ebb. I am inclined to think, therefore, that any attempt to revive Gaelic architecture should Gaelic Arts and Crafts 65 proceed in accordance with the principles enunciated, with no uncertain sound, by Mr. Moore. We must have, consequently, not a blend or adaptation of Gaelic architectural forms, but a complete restoration—at all events at first. Obviously, the style itself must be re-established and stereotyped before the modern architect, who, too often, is but the " general builder" in disguise, can be suffered to play fast and loose—to perpetrate his favourite " blends "—with the real and unadulterated article. Buildings, sacred and profane, in which what are called "Celtic features" (sometimes on not very good grounds, I am afraid) have been introduced by the ordinary architects, are springing up amongst us, particularly in Ireland, where " the movement" is more lively and penetrating than, unfortunately, it yet is here in Scotland. Such " features " undoubtedly owe their existence amongst us to the Gaelic Renaissance ; but nevertheless they are not entirely commendable from the point of view of art, however satisfactory they may be as indications of the spread of the Gaelic cult. In too many cases they are but " features " at best. They are mere accessories or assistances to architectural effects whose dominating principles are drawn from the accepted sources of foreign art, and are generally introduced in what cannot but strike the critic as so tentative, experimental, sparing and even timid a fashion that they fail altogether substantially to affect, or even appreciably to modify, the non-Gaelic character of the buildings in which they appear. Moreover, in not a few cases, " features" have been introduced in the genuine belief, no doubt, that such are typically Gaelic; but which, to the discerning eye, are anything but Celtic. This proves, of course, that " the movement" which 66 Gaelic Arts and Crafts still is too much in the hands of literary men, politicians, and the non-commercial public generally, has not yet penetrated to all classes—especially to what are called the professional sections - of the community. In short, the Gaelic Revival does not yet " pay" those whose business pursuits are still necessarily concerned with another and an antagonistic, social and artistic system; and until it does embrace the whole Gaelic people, which assuredly it must and will do in no long space of time, we cannot reasonably expect sound Gaelic architecture or architects who have more than a nodding acquaintance with the history and principles of the same. Nowadays, the architect who is required to " build something Gaelic" regards the demand as something more or less in the nature of a freak, as a form of harmless but inconvenient eccentricity for which a little seasonable and facetious expostulation is the best and simplest .cure ; but which, if the worst comes to the worst (and he is obliged to do what his client whimsically demands), he feels competent to meet and satisfactorily dispose of by means of a hurried reference to MacGibbon and Ross, or to some other standard work of the kind. With rare exceptions, our architects have received no Gaelic training whatever, for the obvious and sufficient reason that, as a people, we entirely lack the educational means and machinery necessary to produce Gaelic architects; and unless a man's inclinations lead him to devote some of his not too abundant spare time to the study of Gaelic antiquities (which, of course, does not often happen), there exists absolutely no reason why he should go out of his way, as it were, to acquire a knowledge, which, as far as he can see, can be of no practical use to him, and to steep himself in the traditions of Gaelic Arts and Crafts 67 a past touching which he is not only necessarily profoundly ignorant, but to which, perhaps, he is not constitutionally inclined. Owing, unfortunately, to adverse political circumstances, most forms of human activity have passed from us; and if we are to undo the mischiefs of the years that have gone, we must frankly recognise that this is so. The Gaelic people, in this as in other fields, must themselves create the demand, of which the appropriate supply is ever the necessary and inevitable consequence. If they insist, as they have a perfect right to do, and as they must do, if the Gaelic Renaissance is to have the full effect desired by all patriotic and practical men, depend on it, the want of which I speak will soon be supplied. Architects will arise who will make it their business to study Gaelic architecture, and so to qualify themselves to act as builders for the Gaelic people. And when once the demand has been created and public opinion is strong enough amongst us to insist that only Gaels and Gaelic ideas and principles shall be employed, the erection of the educational machinery necessary to produce a recognised school of Gaelic architects will doubtless follow in the natural sequence of events, and in conformity with the simplest of all natural economic laws, namely, that of supply and demand. For my own part, I am disposed to think that it is not altogether a misfortune that the progress of the Renaissance in the direction indicated by these observations has hitherto been slow, and out of all proportion to the strength and popularity of the movement elsewhere. It should be remembered that no concrete example of Gaelic domestic architecture remains to us, and that therefore this branch of our native art will have to be entirely 68 Gaelic Arts and Crafts re-created out of written descriptions of the houses, etc., in which our ancestors lived. The danger, therefore, of introducing "features" which, more often than not on very slender foundations and an entirely inadequate conception of the principles underlying Gaelic architectural art, are confidently declared to be " Celtic," is obvious. The present craze for composite architecture—for those weird and wondrous " blends " in which modern architect and layman alike rejoice—is a very real menace to the cause of pure Gaelic art. It is obvious that if our art forms are again to become popular amongst us, we must have concrete examples—the offspring of genius united to learning and experience—from which to draw our future inspirations. The process of putting the cart before the horse, as it were, of "adapting" and "blending" before ever we have sufficient existing grounds on which to erect that fashion, is fatal to true art. It produces a bastard style—a sort of irregular and undisciplined conglomeration of principles which cannot but be shocking and distasteful to the true believer—to the man or nation of just and nice taste. What we must hope for, therefore, is that as the Renaissance grows stronger and increases its hold alike on our professional classes as on the general public, architects will arise with genius and learning enough fully to appreciate the character of the momentous change which is taking place amongst us, and who will be adequately supported by the public in its corporate as well as in its individual capacity—for this is the most important thing of all—in their efforts to revive and re-establish upon a sufficient and sure foundation the characteristic principles underlying Gaelic architectural art. The nation "in being" is necessarily a self-contained Gaelic Arts and Crafts 69 entity. It must not only theoretically possess but actually exercise and control all the resources and accessories of a civilised community. A Renaissance which is merely confined to one branch of art, say, letters, is not a national Renaissance in the true sense of the word. It is merely a spasmodic and irregular effort on the part of a section of the public, which may indeed achieve the partial success aimed at, but which will be powerless to affect, much less to change or alter, the full stream of the national life. Our Gaelic enthusiasts should bear this in mind. They must make the movement as wide and as comprehensive as possible, regarding as valuable aids to their ends all fish that come to their net; and even going out of their way to persuade the very lame and the halt and the blind to partake of the fare which the national cause has provided. My view is, that ecclesiastical architecture should precede domestic in the coming revival of Gaelic Arts and Crafts. We have undoubtedly firmer ground to go upon in respect of the former than, unfortunately, we have in regard to the latter. Besides, it was ever the temper of the Gael to consult the sacred interests of religion before indulging his love of comfort and display with respect to things mundane. It is but appropriate, too, that the first thoughts of his reawakened national conscience should be directed to the House of God, which in all his past trials and vicissitudes was so often a source of never-failing comfort and pious consolation to him—the place of all places on earth to which his oppressed spirit turned oftenest with the expectation of finding therein that peace and encouragement which the malice and wickedness of his enemies combined to deprive 7o Gaelic Arts and Crafts him of elsewhere. The Gael's House of God should, therefore, I venture to think, be always and everywhere such as educated Gaelic opinion and piety should require, which his ancestors before him required, and the structural features of which the saints and scholars and the master-builders who preceded us have left on record. We cannot alter, much less demolish, of course, with a view to this end, our existing churches and cathedrals; but this at least we can and must do, if the Renaissance is to become that comprehensive and penetrating force which is essential to its unqualified success, namely, take care that for the future we eschew foreign models, and so build our churches and cathedrals that they may not only afford him an appropriate setting for his orisons, but be sources of inspiration to the Gael, as well as practical reminders of that piety, taste, genius and skill for which his ancestors were remarkable among the peoples of the earth. There is no valid reason, however, why public bodies, individuals and societies should not also assist in this good and most necessary work. With regard to private houses, what is known as the Scots baronial style is still popular amongst us, though in too many cases but a bastard imitation of the true style is the result of the modern architect's well-meaning though misguided efforts to " modernise" the grand old models of the past, in which Scotland is so peculiarly rich. I have already shown that this style is fundamentally Celtic; and but little alteration in its leading and characteristic features would be required in order to make it purely Gaelic. This style of architecture is well fitted for large buildings of all kinds, private mansions, town halls, public offices, hotels and the like, Gaelic Arts and Crafts 71 which is abundantly proved by the number of such buildings now in our midst or in course of erection, in which some of the elements of this grand and beautiful style have been introduced. But little pressure, therefore, should be required on the part of the Renaissance in order to bring this style into full harmony with the principles underlying true Gaelic art, and so to create and establish a taste for native architecture. Our civic fathers, indeed the whole lay public, official as well as private, have a not less grave responsibility to discharge in this respect than has the ecclesiastical body itself, whose present opportunities I have already referred to. Both should see to it that they take suitable and adequate account of the Gaelic movement; nor should the Gaelic public relax in their efforts to bring their responsible heads into line with the movement, as well on this particular point of Gaelic architecture as on all others that embrace and concern and control the national life. In this way only can the Renaissance be justified of its principles, supporters and founders. Those whom it is necessary to teach must be persuaded that our movement is not for a few, but for all; that it is not to be confined to any particular branch of human activity, but that it aims to be as comprehensive as it needs must be general if it is to have enduring results. The public must be instructed to the effect that no partial success is intended by us; but that the flag will be kept flying until every citadel, every strength, nay even every temporary obstacle or barricade now in the hands of strangers has been captured and reduced, and the whole land and all its appurtenances restored to their original possessors, the Gaelic race. The deplorable state of art in England should operate to fire our own 72 Gaelic Arts and Crafts people with the determination not to rest until they have completely revived our country's former pre-eminence as the western home of arts and crafts. The glorious past has left Scotland and Ireland rich in artistic resources, and it requires but colonisation anew in order to render this fair country at once prosperous and beautiful again. We have the means and the brains to repair the ravages of the past: let us not, therefore, lack the spirit and the determination necessary to the reconstruction of our national life. Let it not be said of us of the grand and venerable Gaelic race as was recently remarked by an eminent Englishman, Mr. Arthur Symons, of his own countrymen, in the following at once striking and melancholy passage :— " What seems to be made evident by his exhibition (the Arts and Crafts) is that there is at present in England no instinctive feeling for decoration, for construction, or for any form of craftsmanship. We have only to go into an old-furniture shop to see how well English workmen could once make chairs and tables and cupboards, things which they can no longer make well unless they copy them from old models. We have only to cross Europe in the Orient express, and as we get nearer and nearer to the East, to look out of the carriage windows at every little station, and we shall see the peasants bringing their embroideries for sale, native industries still alive and effective. What the Servian peasants can do, we with our Art schools cannot do, it seems. Just as we have no architecture, so we have no craftsmanship. Painting is cultivated as an art, an exotic thing, a toy for rich people; but the arts that must arise, if they arise at all, out of the need of Gaelic Orthography 73 beauty in daily life, the arts of architecture and of handicraft, have either died out of our midst, or survive, like the large and small trinkets of the Arts and Crafts, for a mockery and a warning." G. L. gaelic orthography From time to time the subject of spelling reform flutters the scholastic dovecots of the Gael, and the throne of the grammatical Baal, which passes amongst us by the name of Leathan ri Leathan agus Caol ri Caol (and to which we all bow the knee), is contumaciously assailed. Prophets, too, arise, who denounce the " vagabond h " as a thing wholly superfluous and, grammatically, unclean ; and critics of more daring disposition, and with even less reverence for the hallowed mysteries of the past, boldly affirm that the last hope of the Gael consists in reducing his language to a cut-and-dried system of phonetics. Then, as such outbursts here, as elsewhere, have a knack of doing, the storm subsides ; the " reformers" (a gallant but somewhat irresponsible band) withdraw car tamuill, and Baal—not a whit the worse for his shaking—resumes his despotic and unconscionable sway. Such, in brief, is a tolerable description of the various attempts that have hitherto been made to " reform " the Gaelic language—to bring it " up-to-date," as our moderns would say. Time was when " reform" was thought to lie in the direction of our adopting the same character as our kinsmen across the Moyle now use; but that " movement," never a plant remarkable for its vigour, soon lan- 74 Gaelic Orthography guished, and now is, we think, fortunately, past all praying for. Next came the unknowledgeable critics. —occasional dead-sea fruit for the most part—pedants who had not Gaelic almost to a man, and the constant burden of whose querulous and uninformed refrain was "the Gaelic must die the death," because, forsooth, our language admits such reasonable compounds as bàta-smùid, slighe-iaruinn, and so forth. These captious critics were easily routed and dispersed. They were politely referred to their own language, which abounds in such compounds; and soon the place wherein they had flourished (generally the correspondence columns of Saxon newspapers) knew them no more. But Baal, in the three-fold shape of the grammatical rule known as Leathan ri Leathan agus Caol ri Caol, the superfluous or " vagabond h " and verbal redundancies, is still in danger from time to time of having his gilded serenity somewhat unceremoniously disturbed by the stones of some grammatical iconoclast more daring and aggressive than the rest. His cult, indeed, if universally admitted, is not everywhere popular. There is a growing feeling abroad that his " benevolent despotism " tends to degenerate into absolute tyranny, and that his influence on our language is not for the best, since it operates—so it is asserted—to discourage its development. We propose, therefore, to bring the tyrant to task—at all events to make him give some sort of account of his. stewardship. The wholesome Gaelic plan was ever summarily to expel our kings and chiefs if unworthy of confidence. We promise to do our best to dislodge Baal and to send him about his appropriate business if on inquiry we find that his-presence amongst us constitutes a danger and a Gaelic Orthography 75 nuisance—if, on weighing him in the scales, we discover that he is flagrantly wanting. Let us investigate the charge touching that "vagabond h". It is asserted (1) that students and others are apt to be discouraged by the extraordinary number of h's which a Gaelic sentence or passage of average length generally contains; (2) that there is no reasonable use or excuse for these h's since many of them are merely signs of aspiration —which sign could more easily and conveniently be indicated by a dot above the aspirated letter— whilst numbers possess no signification at all; and (3) that the written appearance of the language would be greatly improved by the elimination of the offending consonant wherever practicable. Whilst discussion of the last head was more or less "raging" we wonder that it appears not yet to have occurred to any one concerned to put the matter to a practical test by the simple device of comparing an orthodox passage of Gaelic with one from which the alleged objectionable h has been politely expelled and his place usurped by the Irish dot. The following passage, selected at random from Caraid nan Gàidheal, will serve our purpose in making this suggested comparison :— " Tha fhios aig daoine gur e aon de na laghannan sin ris an abair sinn lagh Nàduir air a shuidheachadh le Dia, ma ghiùlainear uisge ann am piob o'n tobar a's àirde ann am beinn, a sios troimh mhachraichean, agus troimh ghlinn, gu'n èirich e suas gu àirde na màthar-uisge as an d'thainig e. Nan tugtadh uisge ann am piob o mhullach Beinn Nibheis a suas o dhùthaich gu duthaich gus an ruigeadh e mach-raichean Shasuinn, 's nam biodh e comasach a'phiob 76 Gaelic Orthography sin a thogail ceithir mile troidh ('s e sin àirde na beinne), dh'èireadh an t-uisge direach cho àrd anns a'phiob; ach na b'àirde na 'm fuaran o'n robh e 'teachd, cha'n direadh. Tha so air mhodh àraidh fior a thaobh uisgeachan na h-aibhne sin air am bheil sin a'labhairt—an abhuinn sin a tha 'deanamh cathair Dhè ro ait." The same passage minus the " vagabond h " :— "Ta fios aig daoine gur e aon de na lagannan sin ris an abair sinn lag Nàduir air a suideacad le Dia, ma giùlainear uisge ann am piob o'n tobar a's àirde ann am beinn, a sios troimh macraicean agus troim glinn gu'n èirich e suas gu àirde na matar-uisge as an d'tainig e. Nan tugtad uisge ann am piob o mullac Beinn Nibeis a suas o dutaic gu dutaic gus an ruigead e macraicean Sasuinn, 's nam biod e comasac a'piob sin a togail ceiteir mile troid ('s e sin àirde na beinne) d'èiread an t-uisge direac co àrd anns a' piob; ach na b'àirde na 'm fuaran o'n rob e 'teac ca'n eiread. Ta so air mod àraid fior a taob uisgeacan na h-aibne sin air am beil sin a'labairt- an abuinn sin ta 'deanam catair Dè ro ait." Does the latter rendering represent any substantial improvement on the former so far as appearance is concerned? That is the question for all of us to consider. For our own parts we are rather inclined to doubt it. The process of " dotting the i's " so frequently and in so generous a fashion, of retracing one's steps, as it were, to supply so many omissions, is laborious in the extreme ; and though the process tends to become less irksome Gaelic Orthography 77 as the hand and eye acquire the necessary facility (the result of practice), yet it seems to us that the trouble and labour involved in stopping the pen to dot so many letters are not discounted by the enhanced appearance of the text, at all events in so high a degree as would, were it otherwise, inevitably incline us in favour of the suggested "reform". The A-less advocates base their case on two grounds. They say the substitution of the dot would improve the appearance of the written language and that it would "simplify matters for the beginner". They also seem to think that it would facilitate the writing of the language. With regard to the last contention our recent experience points to an opposite conclusion. The man who is in a hurry (and who is not nowadays ?) and who desires to write (literally) currente calamo is not likely to relish the being obliged to recover his ground, as it were, so frequently and in so lavish a manner in order to promote a very doubtful aesthetic improvement, and to facilitate the efforts of learners of Gaelic. Nor do we think that the suggested reform is to be recommended in the interests of students themselves. After all, aspiration, whether by dot or the usual sign of aspiration, is a very simple matter once it is acquired ; and dot and h are on common ground in so far as the mysteries of aspiration must be necessarily acquired by any one desiring to write or speak the language with facility, elegance and correctness. To those who know not Gaelic the written or printed appearance of the language may seem odd, owing, no doubt, in great measure to the frequent occurrence of the letter h in the Gaelic printed page or MS., but this charge of strangeness—of unfamiliarity—lies at the door of every other lan- 7 8 Gaelic Orthography guage so far as appearance is concerned. To those who do not know strange tongues they necessarily appear as " Greek," whether the characters in which they are written or printed be Latin or not. On the whole, therefore, we are inclined to regard the charge against our Baal as not proven with regard to this particular point of the indictment. We are, however, by no means wedded to this opinion, being in the happy disposition to change our minds on this or any other conceivable topic, provided, of course, we are offered good reasons for doing so. With regard to the rule Leathan ri Leathan agus Caol ri Caol, we, at all events, regard it as singular, inasmuch as, unlike the rest of its tyrannical kind, it admits of no exceptions. Surely that must be a phenomenal rule which never is violated! And on the principle that perfection is rare, if not impossible, we suspect it. It has been said that this rule was "forced on us" by Ireland. If this be so, all we can say is that the rule itself must be a comparatively recent invention or evolution as neither the Book of Deer nor The Book of Armagh support it. We agree with Prof. Mackinnon in his remarks on this subject.1 He says : " The orthographical law now so rigidly adhered to was of old frequently disregarded where there was no phonetic principle to warrant its application; and I am inclined to think that the reason for its universal adoption in middle Irish was that the grammarians of the day mistook a phonetic law of wide but not unlimited application for a purely mechanical rule". Its value, viewed aesthetically and from the coign of vantage of the written or 1 Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, article " The Fernaig MS.," vol. xi. Gaelic Orthography 79 printed page, seems more than doubtful; but whilst protesting strongly against the abuse of this rule we wish to be understood as being no less firmly opposed to any system of pure phonetics. As Prof. Mackinnon justly observes : " The Welsh dialects and Manx are written phonetically, whilst Irish and Gaelic adhere more to the etymological system. The one system represents, more or less accurately, the pronunciation of the day; the other preserves the form of the word. Each system has its advantages and disadvantages, and I need hardly say that each system is only partially carried out. No language is written on a purely phonetic system; no language can be so, for no people pronounce alike; while, on the other hand, the basis of the orthography of all languages is phonetic, and no change in the pronunciation, however great, is able entirely to obliterate the evidence of the fact."1 Hear, also, what the late Dr. Stewart2 has observed on this subject: "A third principle in orthography is that no more letters ought to be employed than are necessary to represent the sound. There are probably few polished languages in which departures from this rule are not found in abundance. . . . Quiescent letters, both vowels and consonants, are not infrequent in Gaelic. Though these quiescent letters have no sound themselves they are not always without effect in pronunciation as they often determine the sound of other letters." Dr. Stewart, however, cannot be quoted as an uncompromising supporter of the rule in question, and with many of his observations on this head we are bound to agree. For instance, there is no 1 Transactions of Gaelic Society of Inverness, article "The Fernaig MS.," vol. xi. 2 Elements of Gaelic Grammar. 8o Gaelic Orthography valid reason, as he truly says, why such words as abuich, gabhaidh, chromainn, should not be written abich, gabhidh, chrominn, which latter forms " fully exhibit the sound ". We agree. " Nothing," as he justly observes, " but a servile regard to the rule under consideration could have suggested the insertion of a broad vowel . . . where it serves neither to guide the pronunciation nor to point out the derivation." The views of Dr. Stewart are so luminously expressed and carry so much weight where learning, united to common-sense, are most appreciated that we feel that we cannot do better than reproduce his observations in extenso, more especially as our own opinions on the same subject are precisely those of this able and accomplished grammarian. "Another case," says Dr. Stewart, "in which the observation of this rule seems to be wholly unnecessary is when two syllables of a word are separated by a quiescent consonant. Thus in gleidheadh, itheadh, buidheann, dligheadh, the aspirated consonants in the middle are altogether quiescent. The vocal sound of the second syllable is sufficiently expressed by the last vowel. No good reason, then, appears for writing a small vowel in the second syllable. Thus far it is evident that the rule respecting the correspondence of vowels is wholly impertinent in the case of syllables divided by labials or by quiescent consonants. If we examine further into the application of this rule we shall find more cases in which it may safely be set aside. Many of the inflections of nouns and verbs are formed by adding one or more syllables to the root. The final consonant of the root must always be considered as belonging to the radical part, not to the adjected termination. The sound of that consonant, whether broad or Gaelic Orthography 81 small, falls to be determined by the quality of the vowel which precedes it in the same syllable, not by the quality of that which follows it in the next syllable. It seems, therefore, unnecessary to employ any more vowels in the adjected syllable than what are sufficient to represent its own vocal sound. The rule under consideration has, notwithstanding, been extended to the orthography of the oblique cases and tenses, and a supernumerary vowel has been thrown into the termination whenever that was requisite to preserve the supposed necessary correspondence with the foregoing syllable. Thus, in forming the nominative and dative plural of many nouns, the syllables an and ibh are added to the singular, which letters fully express the true sound of these terminations. If the last vowel of the nominative singular is broad an alone is added for the nominative plural, as lamh-aw, cluas-am. But if the last vowel be small an e is thrown into the termination, as sùil-ean, sròin-ean. Now, if it be observed that in the last two examples the small sound of the I and n in the root is determined by the preceding small vowel i, with which they are necessarily connected in one syllable, and that the letters an fully represent the sound of the termination, it must be evident that the e in the final syllable is altogether superfluous. " So, in forming the dative plural, if the last word of the root be small ibh is added, as shil-ibh, sròin-ibh. But if the last word of the root is broad, the termination is written aibh, as lamh-aiM, cluas- the Mormaership on the death of his brother Malsnechtan in 1085. I am inclined, however, to think that Eobertson (Scotland under Her Early Kings) is right in regarding the Beth who appears as witness to the foundation of the monastery of Scone, temp. Alexander I., 1107-1124, as the Aodh or Heth who, whether he reigned or not as Mormaer of Moray, was certainly father to Angus, " Earl" of Moray. The date of Aodh's death is not known, and we appear to know nothing about Angus until his overthrow and slaughter at Strickathrow in 1130. Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? 107 by King William the Lion to Morgund, Earl of Mar and predecessor of William, was produced in support of the family in possession, and no doubt this charter played an important part in determining the question in favour of the family of Earl William. " This deed," says Skene,1" was first made known by the learned antiquary, John Selden, who printed it in his Titles of Honour (p. 700) to illustrate his remarks upon the title of Thane. It is in the form of letters patent and not of a charter, and is addressed by William King of Scots to all bishops, earls, abbots, priors, knights, thanes and provosts, and all other good men of the whole land, as well cleric as laic. It then narrates that Morgund, son of Gillocher, formerly Earl of Mar, had come before the King at Hnidhop Burnemuthe, in his new forest on the tenth day of the calends of June, in the year of grace 1171, demanding his right to the whole Earldom of Mar, before the common council and army of the kingdom of Scotland there assembled: that the King had caused inquisition to be made into his claim by several men worthy of credit, who were barons and thanes of his kingdom, and who found that Morgund was the lawful son and heir of the said Gillocher, Earl of Mar; upon which the King granted and restored to Morgund the whole Earldom of Mar, in which his father Gillocher had died vest and seized, to be held by the said Morgund and his heirs of the King and his heirs in fee and heritage, with all pertinents, liberties and rights, as freely, quietly, fully and honourably as any other earl in the kingdom. . . . Further, on the same day and at the same place, after doing homage before the common council of the kingdom, the said Morgund demanded right should be done him for 1 Celtic Scotland, Appendix iv., vol. iii., p. 441. io8 Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? the whole Earldom of Moray in which Gillocher, his father, had died vest and seized ; upon which petition inquisition having been made by several men worthy of credit who were barons, knights and thanes of the kingdom, they found that Morgund was the true and lawful heir of the Earldom of Moray; and because at that time the King was engaged in the heavy war between him and the English, and the men of Moray could not be subjected to his will, he was unable to do justice to Morgund, he promised that when he should terminate the war between him and his enemies and subjugate the rebels of Moray, he would well and truly recognise the right of Morgund and his heirs to the Earldom of Moray." This, says Skene, is undoubtedly a very remarkable production, if genuine. Selden says : "I have it writ in parchment in a hand of the time, wherein it is dated, but without any seal to it". No suspicion appears to have attached to it until Mr. Chalmers, the antiquary, assailed it in 1819 in a paper contributed to the nineteenth volume of the Archceologia (p. 241). Mr. Chalmers gives his reasons for thinking this document spurious under nine heads, the majority of which, however, have been discounted by subsequent writers a good deal more accurate, if not more learned, than himself. Skene, however, regards the allusion to the war with England in 1171, whereas hostilities between the two countries did not break out until 1173, as " fatal to the authenticity of the document,"1 and 1 The late Earl of Crawford writing with the results of Skene's investigations before him states that " my late friend Mr. Maidment was not disposed to give up the point of its authenticity without further discussion " {Earldom of Mar, vol. i., p. 169). Who is "Righ na h-Alba''? 109 in this opinion I am by no means disposed to disagree with him. As however the late Dr. Joseph .Robertson justly observes,1 the facts which the deed in question set forth " may perhaps be true in part". Professor Cosmo Innes, too, was of opinion that even if admitted to be a " very early forgery, it is scarcely less important than if admitted to be genuine";2 whilst Lord Crawford's remarks on the same subject are characterised by the sagacity and caution for which that extremely learned man was remarkable. " I may observe, however," he says, " that I should not be surprised if evidence some day emerged to show that Morgund was really the son of Gillocherus or Gillocher, possibly Earl of Mar. The forger of a charter would be careful to proceed upon accurate data, so far as they were obtainable ; and the lapse of eighty years between 1171 and 1257 was not sufficient to obliterate memory as to who Earl Morgund's father really was. Even a supposititious document may render evidence when carefully scrutinised."3 With regard to this last point, it should be borne in mind that the contests between the Earls of Mar and the Durwards were of exceptional severity, and extended over a considerable period of time. The Pope himself was called upon to adjudicate upon the rival claims; and that the result of all this costly and protracted litigation should have resulted in a verdict for the earls in possession, proves conclusively that the forger (if such he really was) was "careful to proceed upon accurate data". It is obvious that the allusion to the Moray Mormaer- 1 Antiquities of the Shires of Aberdeen and Banff, vol. iv.,. p. 691. 2 Acts of Parliament, preface. 3 Earldom of Mar, vol. i., pp. 171-72. no Who is "Righ na h-Alba"? ship and to Gillocher, Earl or Mormaer of the combined provinces of Mar and Moray, would have been fatal to the success of Earl William's defence, whether we regard the gratuitous nature of that allusion (assuming it to be spurious and without foundation in fact) or the character of the individuals who were responsible for the opposing claim, and the almost superhuman efforts they made to establish their case. As Lord Crawford justly observes, too, by no possible stretch of the imagination are we entitled to assume that the memories of the Durwards,1 their legal advisers and friends (to say nothing of the rest of the country, including the King and his court, which must naturally be supposed to have been profoundly interested in so important a case) played them so false and proved so defective that in the comparatively short space of eighty years neither the one nor the other was able positively to say who Morgund's father really was, and what was the position which he occupied during his lifetime. That the text of the deed of 1171 was universally regarded as furnishing " accurate data" upon these particular points, is conclusively proved by the fact that the papal investigation into this cause cèlèbre resulted in a verdict in favour of Earl William. 1 The Durwards possessed very large property in Mar, which must have come to them through marriage, and perhaps was so settled in their favour in 1222-28, when a settlement or composition was entered into between Earl Duncan and Thomas, the father of the Alan Durward of 1257. The settlement is now lost, but is enumerated in a schedule of Scottish records delivered by Edward I. to King John Baliol in 1292 as follows: "Item, in uno sacculo existente in eadem maletta veteri una pixis sigillata, in qua est compositio inter comitem de Mar et Thomam Ostiarium olim facta" (Earldom of Mar, vol. i., p. Who is " Righ na h-Alba " ? 111 It seems to me, therefore, that whether we regard the deed of 1171 as authentic or spurious, the facts which it sets forth, so far as they concern the Mar claim to the Moray Mormaership, are not to be gainsaid. There is, however, additional evidence to offer in support of this claim which, I .submit, places the matter beyond reasonable doubt. In the year 1837 the late eminent lawyer Sir Francis Palgrave published the first volume of a number of important historical MSS. relating to the early history of Scotland ; and amongst these instruments recovered to the nation, and issued under the authority of Government, was one dealing with an appeal prepared in name of the seven ¦earls of Scotland and of the community of the realm, to Edward I. of England, which concludes with the following memorandum: " That when William, King of Scotland, restored to Morgund, son of Gyloclery,1 the predecessor of the Lord Douenald Earl of Marr, this Earldom of Marr, according as the same is contained in a writing which Douenald Earl of Marr possesses, there was wanting then to the said Morgund, and there is still wanting to the Earl, three hundred pound land, partly in domain and partly in holdings and more, for which he claims that right should be done him ". Skene connects this document with the charter of 1171. " The writing here referred to seems to have 11 regret I am unable to give the etymology of this word. In the deed of 1171 it is written Gillocher. The Gille is translatable at sight; but what of the termination ? In a pedigree of the Mar family prepared by George Erskine, Bailie of Alloa to the Earl of the 15,1 find it written " Gillocher or Gillohrist". But is it possible to get Gillohrist out of Gillocher or Gyloclery? Perhaps its true form is GillechUire = the servant or follower of the clergy. Gilleohriost, however, was a common Gaelic name, instances of which are not wanting in the Mar pedigree. i i 2 Who is " Righ na h-Aiba " ? been this very deed," he says ; but whether it was. so or not, it is important as proving that indirectly the result of the papal inquiry was generally accepted as being favourable to Earl William,1 and as showing that in or about 1290, as in 1257, no-doubts were entertained as to who Earl Morgund's. father really was. But important as this evidence is, in view of what has been stated above, more remains to be told. In the same appeal of the seven earls of Scotland, Donald, Earl of Mar, appeals to Edward of England in name of himself (as one of the seven earls) and in name of the freemen of Moray, and the other relations, connections and friends of the said Earl (Donald).- Now it is-obvious that no such appeal could possibly have been made by Earl Donald had he not had ample grounds on which to make it; nor would such an appeal have been suffered to pass unchallenged, or have been allowed to have been entered at all, if the rest of the nobility of Scotland were not persuaded that in so doing Donald was acting entirely within, his rights, and in strict conformity with universal belief and common knowledge. The occasion of this historic appeal was, it must be remembered, the most solemn and important that can possibly be imagined. It was an appeal addressed, not by a few individuals upon an obscure or trifling occasion, and to a quarter correspondingly obscure and unimportant ; but it was the voice of the entire nation speaking through the channel of its accredited representatives to a rich and powerful foreign 1 He appears to have died about 1273. 2 The Latin text of this interesting and important document is printed in full in Sir Francis Palgrave's Documents and Becords illustrating the History of Scotland (preserved in the Treasury), pp. 14-21. Who is "Righ na h-Alba" ? monarch, and upon a subject the most grave and weighty that the mind of man can well conceive— the independence and well-being of an entire kingdom. It must be patent, therefore, to the meanest intelligence that this was neither the time nor the place for the assertion of claims which had no foundation in fact, and which, if spurious, could only have had the effect of still more complicating the issues at stake, and of dividing and discouraging the country at a time when, in view of the rising pretensions of the arch-enemy of Scotland—the very person to whom this appeal was addressed—the country's existence seemed to depend upon opposing a bold and united front to the ambitious designs of its English enemies. But I hold that the allusion speaks for itself, and stands in no need of any special pleading on my part. The reference to the freemen of Moray, and to " the other relations (consangidneos), connexions and friends (amicos)" of Earl Donald is introduced in the most natural manner imaginable; and considering the later history of the Moray Mormaership, is just what we might expect under a transitionary state of society, such as obtained in Scotland at that time, as the consequence of the introduction of the feudal system, and the gradual displacement of the native laws and customs by that agency. We have already seen that the last recorded appearance of Euaidhri, Mormaer of Mar, was in 1131 (Book of Beer), a year after the Battle of Strickathrow in which the men of Moray and the Mearns were defeated, and Angus of Moray was slain. How long Kuaidhri lived after witnessing the grant of land mentioned in the Book of Deer it is, of course, impossible to say; but the probability is that he was an old man at that time, and that ii4 Who is "Righ na h-Alba" ? he did not long survive his last recorded appearance. Morgund appears as witness in a charter by King David and Earl Henry, his son, to the Church of the Holy Trinity at Dunfermline, which is without date, but which must have been granted between 1136-53; and he appears to have died about 1180, as in a confirmation by Pope Lucius III. in favour of Walter, Prior of the Church of St. Andrews, of various grants of lands, and dated 30th March, 1183, Morgund is referred to as Morgrundi quondam Comitis de Mar. Gillocher;; therefore, although unfortunately it is at present impossible to fix his proper period within settled limits, probably "flourished" sometime between the years 1132-40. Apart from the deed of 1171 we have no record of his existence at all; but inasmuch as we have no record of the existence of any other Earl of Mar between the dates mentioned, I hold that the deliberate statement of Earl William (so easy to be disproved by his contemporaries, if false) should be accepted as conclusive on the point of the name and status of his predecessor. The period with which we are presently dealing is not only a very early one, but was a time of great confusion and uncertainty, and owing to the destruction of many of our national MSS. during the Wars of Independence, and at the so-called Keformation, the hiatus in question, however regrettable, is by no means to be wondered at. Few if any families in Scotland, I venture to think, of the antiquity and importance of that of Mar, can produce a pedigree from the earliest to modern times, the links of which betray so few evidences of the corroding influences of time and of the disintegrating action of those troublous epochs through which our country has passed. Who is "Righ na h-A/òa" ? 115 It remains for me, in conclusion, to make a few observations touching Chalmers's sixth objection to the authenticity of the charter of 1171. "The six earls," he says, "who witnessed Alexander I.'s charter to Scone in 1115 were of Fife, Strathern, Menteith, Boss, Atholl and Mar; but we see not then or for years afterwards any Earl of Moray;1 and among the twelve earls who sat in the great Parliament of Bingham in 1289-90, under the summons of Edward I., there is not any Earl of Moray. Moreover in the charter which Robert I. granted in 1321 to his nephew Randolph, for all those lands in Moray, as they had been in the hands of the late Alexander III., who demised in 1285, which were now erected in libero comitatus, and which, as such, were conferred by the grant on his nephew Randolph. From this deduction we may see clearly that there was no comitatus Moravice at the demise of David I. in 1153, and none at the demise of Malcolm IV. in 1165, and none, we may presume, in 1171 under his brother and successor William, and certainly none mentioned in the Parliament of Bingham, 1289-90. Morgund, indeed, does not say that his father Gillocher, who, if ever there was such a person, must have lived under David I. and his successor Malcolm, had obtained a grant of Moray as a comitatus or earldom. There is a charter of Malcolm IV. confirming to the monks of Dunfermline the grant of his grandfather David I. which is witnessed by six earls, among whom is 1 The " Beth," however, who witnesses the same charter is now generally regarded as standing for Heth or Aodh, Mormaer of Moray. But even if Beth was not, by a clerk's error, Heth, the deduotìon Chalmers draws could not be allowed to stand, as (he Moray Mormaers regarded themselves as independent of the House of Atholl. 116 Who is "Righ na h-A/òa"? Morgund, Earl of Mar; so that if Gillocher ever lived, he must have existed under David I. who demised in 1153. He merely states that he died seized of the Comitatus of Moray."1 Chalmers wrote, of course, before the discovery of the important document published by Sir Eichard Palgrave in his collection of Scottish national MSS., in which Earl Donald appeals in name of himself, the freemen of Moray, and his other relations, connexions and friends ; and I do not doubt that had he had the opportunity of seeing that document, his "sixth objection" to the authenticity of the deed of 1171 would not have passed the press, at all events in its present form. "With regard to the comitatus or earldom mentioned by that writer, no such thing, of course, existed at that early time. Gillocher did not claim the earldom as his feudal right; nor did he die seized of a comitatus given him, and erected in his favour, by the King (David). The dignity which he claimed, and which he did die vest and seized of, was the ancient Gaelic Mormaer-ship of Moray, a purely Gaelic and personal, and not a territorial and feudal dignity, which is abundantly proved by his successor Donald's appealing in name of the freemen of Moray -not of the Comitatus or Earldom of Moray—and of his other Mood relations (consanguineos) and friends. After the fatal battle of Strickathrow and the demise of Angus, what probably happened was this: Gillocher, Mormaer of Mar, claimed the Mormaership of Moray as next of kin; and, as stated in the deed of 1171, actually became such. His brief rei«n over, however, Morgund, his successor, possibly owing to his taking the side of William the Lion, was unable to enforce 1 Observations upon the Spuriousness of Selden's Document. Who is 'Righ na h-A/èa" ? 117 his rule; and, appealing to the King, received the promise mentioned in the deed. Skene1 says, it is true, that there is "no appearance of the royal authority not having been recognised in Moray" during the first eight years of William's reign. But considering the scanty nature of the records dealing with these early times, such purely negative testimony counts for nothing. We know that Moray was in a disturbed and unsettled state for many years after Strickathrow, and that it was not finally subdued until 1181 or even later. An hiatus of eight years in respect of so troubled and obscure a period, and in regard to the affairs of so war-like a people as the men of Moray were, cannot reasonably be held to prove anything, more especially as in 1174—Dut three short years after the date of the deed in question—the whole of Moray was in a blaze of insurrection. The Mormaers of Mar, from Ruaidhri downwards, seem to have supported the pretensions of the House of Atholl—a circumstance which is in itself quite sufficient to account for the reluctance of the men of Moray to submit to the authority of Morgund. In any case, Gillocher's reign as Mormaer of the combined provinces must have been very brief, and the probability is that owing to the adhesion of his family to the kings 'In his Highlanders of Scotland Skene makes the same mistake as Chalmers here does. He says that after Strickathrow the Earldom of Moray was conferred upon the Earl of Mar by the King. This error, however, is not repeated in Celtic Scotland. It is scarcely necessary here to state that a feudal king could not withhold or bestow a Gaelic Mormaership. This error, in the case of Chalmers, is the more remarkable inasmuch as he appears to have appreciated the essential difference between the two dignities. " After the death of Macbeth and the demise of Lulach Moray, according to Gaelic custom, came to the people of Moray and not to the King," he says. n8 Who is "Righ na h-Alba" ? of the Hue of Malcolm III., a powerful party in Moray was opposed to his claims, and prevented his rule and that of his house from being popular with a large number of the inhabitants of that semi-independent Principality. Morgund's appeal to the King (William the Lion) as his feudal chief, at a time when Moray, besides being still a Gaelic State, was in a disturbed and dissatisfied condition owing to the action of that King himself and of his predecessors on the throne of Alba, probably further accentuated his unpopularity and compromised his position; and though we find his successor Donald constituting himself its responsible representative —a thing which he could not have done without the full knowledge and consent of the freemen of Moray—on the ground of blood relationship, it has to be observed that the appeal in question was not made until the close of the thirteenth century, by which time Moray was entirely subdued to the House of Atholl, and more or less reconciled to those successive revolutions and changes in the constitution of the country by virtue of which Alba had ceased to be a purely Gaelic State and by which the Ceann Mòr dynasty had effectually consolidated their pretensions to the supreme power. Nor is it difficult to explain why Morgund was unsuccessful in his suits, and why the Moray Mormaership was enjoyed by but a single representative of the House of Mar. The troubles of the times, as the deed of 1171 clearly states, were responsible in no small measure for that result; but the well-known policy of the early Scottish sovereigns of the House of Atholl as regards the Gaelic Mormaership is a further circumstance which must be taken into full and strict account in debating this question. That policy, as is universally Who is "Righ na h-Alba" ? 119 recognised, was directed with the view and with the determination of breaking up these powerful tribal confederacies, and of imposing purely feudal tenures and conditions upon such as the King was powerless directly to suppress, or to unite to the Crown. William may well have amused Morgund with the idea of helping him to get possession of Moray after the war with England and the reduction of the Moray " rebels " to submission to his power as Ard-Righ. No doubt Morgund was a powerful ally whom it would have been rash to offend or to provoke, and a conditional promise of the kind set forth in the deed of 1171 was well calculated to flatter and conciliate that nobleman, whilst at the same time it served the interests of the King. At all events, the fact remains that it was the policy of the Crown not to tolerate these conglomerations of power in the hands of particular noblemen; and in proportion to the power of that individual and the strength and number of his connexions was seen to consist the absolute necessity of depressing and weakening him as much as possible. Moreover with the growth of the royal authority and prerogatives, and the spread of the feudal system, not only did the Scottish sovereigns find themselves increasingly competent to deal with their rivals and enemies amongst the native nobility of Scotland according as their interest suggested, but the Gaelic system itself passing away, the recognition of claims such as that put forward by Morgund in 1171—at which time the feudal system was by no means paramount in Scotland—must not only have appeared to the later sovereigns of the House of Atholl as entirely inconsistent with their own supremacy, but as being in the nature of archaic survivals, which it would i20 De-A nglicisation have been both foolish and dangerous to tolerate. The popularity, so far as our early kings are concerned, of this policy of confiscation and suppression in regard to native dignities and the hold which it] took of them are strikingly exemplified in history ; and so warmly did it recommend itself to our later sovereigns, from James I. to James VII., that they may be said to have passed their lives in ruining! their country in the endeavour to give effect to it, whilst not a few of them actually fell victims to it, being cut off in the prime of life and in the apparent height of their power in consequence of their unscrupulous efforts to yet further enslave and degrade their people through the channel of the feudal system. My conclusion is, therefore, upon this brief consideration of these several particulars, that Gillocher, Mormaer of Mar, was also by right of blood and by virtue of the suffrages of the majority of the men of Moray, Mormaer of Moray ; and that, under the Gaelic system, that ancient dignity and the high claims associated with it would reside in the present representative of the former House— the sole existing representative of the ancient Mormaers of Alba. E. E. de-anglicisation It was Fènèlon, we think, who somewhere observed that where an enemy shows undue uneasiness and irritation under criticism or assault such manifestations may safely be regarded as a sign of the inherent weakness and injustice of the cause which he defends. In the April number of an English De-Anglicisation 121 publication called the National Review, there is a paper by one signing himself "Vigil" on the de-Anglicisation of Ireland, which may safely be regarded as an admirable illustration of the truth of Fènèlon's maxim. It is a paper full of uneasiness and irritation, and betokens a troubled mind—we say nothing of conscience in so unconscionable a connexion—on the part of the writer, whose anonymity, by the way, probably shelters one of those modest and retiring, though withal prying and vigilant personalities, whose appropriate sphere of activity is English Ireland. For cool effrontery and impudence naked and unashamed we doubt if the title selected by this egregious Unionist for his amusing adumbrations could well be matched. " The de-Anglicisation of Ireland" ! It is obviously a crime, a monster grievance, an astounding misdemeanour, a hideous scandal, a running political sore which this semi-demented Saxon is treating of. Ireland is beginning to dare to call her soul her own! Imagine it! Oh! the unspeakable pity, the effrontery and the heartless iniquity of it! After several hundred years of English rule she is at long last beginning to act on the knowledge which has been hers since her servitude began—that John Bull is a foreigner, an interloper, a humbug, a tyrant and a bloodsucker, and that the sooner he is dumped back upon his own Saxon shores the better it will be for Erin. Keally, these Anglo-Saxons are impossible, and their " cheek" staggers humanity. " The de-Anglicisation of Ireland !" It is a foul crime, a horrible nightmare! There is a hideous conspiracy on foot to rob England of her own! " Saxons awake! All the world knows we never never never will be slaves, for we have shouted it in at least a 122 De-A nglicisation thousand music-halls ; and are you going to stand calmly by whilst these insolent rebellious Irishmen de-Anglicise their country—that country which is a part of the Holy British Empire, and therefore ours ? " So this maniac, foaming at the mouth, insolently raves. Is the creature drunk, or are his doddering lucubrations to be regarded as merely so many outward and visible signs of a mind inwardly and incurably diseased? We pause for a reply. Effrontery so gross and ignorant, impudence so colossal and stupefying as this unspeakable Saxon has been guilty of leave us temporarily breathless with indignation. Obviously, the average Englander acts on the assumption that these isles and all that they contain belong to him. Let us proceed to knock the bottom out of that hoary superstition. In the first place, the Saxon unit was the last to arrive. He came not because he was loved, but because he was wanted to make himself generally useful, to be, being but a pagan and barbarian (and fit for nothing else), a sort of military hewer of wood and drawer of water to certain effeminate Britons, who by the way speedily repented of their invitation-Then, like the impudent varlet he was, he turned on his employers, and acting the part of the young cuckoo in the nest of the small birds insolently jostled the unfortunate natives out of their national birthright. Every one knows that taming the brute and teaching him religion and manners proved an excruciating process, and one upon which an infinity of time and of pains was required to be expended before even the slenderest results were obtained. The most of his veneer of civilisation he owed to-the kindly Gaels of Ireland and Scotland—to that proud race which was the light and glory of Western! De-A nglicisation 123 Europe at a time when the mere Saxon was as yet blissfully ignorant of the art of covering his primitive nakedness with the primitive fig-leaf. The Norman Conquest of England rather aggravated than ameliorated this racial nuisance; for by further barbarising the barbarian lump, it necessarily neutralised the action of the small civilising leaven imported into England by Ireland and Scotland. Even so late as the reign of Henry VIII. the English were regarded as a pamenu nation, whose tardy reception into the " European concert" of those times was thought to be something of an innovation, and an experiment which time alone could justify. The fact that, like the green bay-tree of the Psalmist, they flourished abundantly and have overshadowed the earth, though it may afford a striking illustration of the justice of the comparison which the Psalmist drew, by no means invalidates our claims to nationality, to racial existence. In point of equity, our claims-take immeasurable precedence of theirs, as much on the ground of superior antiquity as of natural and indefeasible right. The Gaels of Scotland and Ireland are a nation whose right to live we ourselves regard as infinitely better than that of the English, but whose right so to live all must agree to be at least quite as good as ! hat of the Saxon. We are conscious of our right and we mean to enforce it, let the consequences to England be what they may. By styling his, for the most part, ill-gotten gains the " British" Empire, the egregious Englander imagines that he can go on bubbling the Celtic inhabitants of these isles with the belief that what is essentially his is by means of some patent process of recondite reasoning which he has invented for the occasion, not absolutely his own. But, to quote a phrase which contemporary politics has made 124 De-A nglicisation popular, we have had "enough of this foolery". We have no desire to "split" with the English in the sense of renewing past and, for the most part, forgotten quarrels with them : on the contrary, we desire to live at peace and in friendship with all men; but our national birthright—our nationality —we mean to maintain at all costs and at all hazards. The Gaelic movement, if it means anything, certainly means this, that we have arisen; that we mean to have and to hold what by God's good providence, if not roluntate hominorum, is ours. We mean to repair, and, if necessary, to reconstruct the damaged and time-stained fabric of our nationality. We, the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland, are a nationality because we possess all the essential attributes of a separate and an independent people. We have a language of our own, a history, a civilisation, arts, crafts, laws and a literature of our own. Does the idiot who wrote this amazing paper in the National Review seriously think for a moment that we are going to surrender these precious, nay these priceless possessions for the miserable mess of Saxon pottage which he and his countrymen have the impudence to offer us? No doubt we have been weak and foolish on many occasions in the past; ",ut folly and ingratitude upon so stupendous and unprecedented a scale would inevitably not only stagger but stultify the whole of humanity. By way of conclusion to these remarks, we are tempted to give a few characteristic extracts from this astounding effusion. No small part of the paper is composed of reflexions touching a certain ''disloyal incident" which occurred in connexion with the toasting of King Edward ; but with this we -are by no means concerned. For the Gael of Scotland there is no dynastic question. Eagal air an De-A nglicisation 125 righ uaibhreach roimh Iain bochd! Agus gun eagal air Iain roin righ I The thing may serve to keep alive a few straggling " Jacobites," but has no possible signification for contemporary politics. We accordingly proceed to quote as freely as space will allow from the rest of his amazing rigmarole :— "The remarks of the Chief Secretary on the work of the Gaelic League suggest a grave doubt whether the new policy of Liberalism is not vitiated from the outset by an extraordinary ignorance of what one group, at least, of ' Irish ideas' really means and makes for. 'In my judgment,' says Mr. Bryce solemnly,' expressions of the sentiments, of Irish nationality ought not to be repressed'— which, by the way, no one has proposed—' or regarded with suspicion.' He speaks of ' the increasing interest shown in the Irish language and in ancient Irish history' as a ' wholesome thing'. He kindly assured his audience that ' the continued use of the English language is in no sort of danger'. But, accepting the view urged by many amiable and well-intentioned people, who write eulogies of the Gaelic League and the Irish language movement in English newspapers and periodicals, he sees nothing save a fine intellectual passion for philological and historic il pursuits in what has been done in Ireland during the past twelve years to uproot the ' great holdings,' in Burke's expressive phrase, which, in spite of old feuds, of bygone errors, and of modern traffickers in mischief and malice, link together the populations of the two islands and, especially, their best minds and their highest aspirations. Such strangely misleading accounts of the Gaelic propagandism as that published in the Nineteenth Century of November last, by the Countess Dowager of Desart, may confuse 126 De-A nglicisation the uninformed, or deceive those who wish to be deceived. But Mr. Bryce ought not to be included in either category. Lady Desart reckons the opening of a new era of regeneration in Ireland from the day (July 31, 1893) when ' seven literary and thoughtful men elected Dr. Douglas Hyde and Mr. John MacNeill respectively president and vice-president ' of the Gaelic League, which body entered .then upon the campaign for ' de-Anglicising' the sister island, and has prosecuted it till now. The object and the incidents of that campaign ought not surely to have escaped the notice of any one interested in the problems of Irish government, least of all any likely to be called upon to take part in an effort to solve them. " A few weeks later, Dr. Hyde addressed a meeting in Roscommon and dilated on the progress of the League. A Nationalist local journal in commenting on the proceedings had the following significant remarks :— '"How they (the Gaelic Leaguers of Roscommon) will acquit themselves will be closely watched, and, should they fail to rise to the occasion, an indelible stain will be cast on a community which in all the advanced movements in the Irish struggle produced men that were ready to risk all for the love of Ireland. . . . Every Irishman knows that the object of the Irish revival is but to gain means towards that great end—an Irish nation, acknowledging no language and no laws but their own. . . . The facts enumerated by him (Dr. Hyde) would have been reckoned as dreams some years ago by persons unacquainted with the strength of the movement. In the County Wexford it had been decided, by a vote of fifty-three out of fifty-six present, that after January 1,1905, no schoolmaster De-A nglicisation 127 be appointed who is not an Irish speaker. In the County Cork it had been decided that no appointment be made in the County Council offices to any man who is not an Irish speaker. The County Mayo Council had come to a similar determination, And the action of the Dublin Corporation (when a motion to the same effect was passed, in opposition to the protest of Mr. Harrington, M.P., a former Nationalist Lord Mayor) is fresh in the public mind.' "These tactics were rapidly extended during the next twelve months, to the outspoken delight of the United Irishman and other organs of the ' Gaelic Revival,' and, one by one, the Irish-speaking test was established by councils and other public bodies in districts where English only is in use among the people. Mr. Wyndham and Lord Dudley do not seem to have thought it any part of their business to notice what was going on. In less than a year, as was not surprising under these conditions, the progress of which Dr. Hyde boasted had become much more marked. In a communication, published in the Irish World simultaneously with the opening of Dr. Hyde's American campaign, it is stated:— "' The Gaelic League, which at its inception was merely academic rather than anything else in its aims, and primarily occupied with the preservation of Gaelic, has expanded to the dimensions of a great National movement. ... It is able to afford the services of ten organisers, who give all their time to its business, and helping them are two hundred travelling teachers. In Dublin alone there are thirty branches of the Gaelic League. There are nearly nine hundred branches throughout the country, with an enrolled membership of 128 De-A nglicisation 100,000. . . . The number of schools in which the language is taught has advanced from 105 in 1899 to 3,000 in 1905. The entire number of students, of the language at present is considered not to be far short of a quarter of a million.' "What the Gaelic school teachers were doing with the children the local branches of this Gaelic League hoped to do with the young men and women. A local secretary, speaking at the Tralee District Council, said: ' . . . He wished them to understand that any man who became a member of the Gaelic League, no matter what his present views might be, after a few years' membership he would be changed into what each of them would like to see—that was a separatist, and anxious for the complete independence of his country.' " A few specimens of the local work of the Gaelic League branches, extracted from Nationalist newspapers, may here be cited. Archdeacon Hutch, P.P., presiding over the Midleton branch (Co. Cork), said: ' The Gaelic League has been a tremendous success in Ireland. It was a cry from the soul of a nation calling for the emancipation of their tongue and their ideals and the expulsion of the-foreign race that had been forced upon them.' At a meeting in Glenties a little earlier, Canon Macfad-den preached the thorough-going Gaelic doctrine, though no branch apparently was then in existence there. " ' He said the time was come when the youth of Ireland must choose between being a credit to their nation and a disgrace. He said they must be de-Anglicised now or never. Words failed him to express his scorn and contempt for the Irish boy who, lost to all sense of shame and decency, entered what the previous speaker had most truly styled De-A nglicisation 129 the hell of the British army, whether the men in that army wore red coats, or khaki, or black. He urged on the people the necessity for reviving their language, and for doing away with foreign customs, foreign dances, and foreign games, and said the time was come when Anglo-Saxon football should be crushed out.' "The following excerpts further illustrate the 'non-political' character of the Gaelic League. Dr. Douglas Hyde himself, in replying to addresses presented to him before he sailed for New York, used these words: ' The chairman had said that the organisation was non-political and non-sectarian. It was non-sectarian; but in the true sense, in the Greek sense, in the sense of the power it exercised over the people of Ireland, it was one of the strongest political organisations in the country.' " A meeting of the Gaelic League at Marshals-town was cheered by the Rev. P. Murphy with this statement: ' The Gaelic League was built on a solid foundation, and could not be easily shaken. It was the rock on which British misrule in this country will crumble to pieces.' " Mr. James Donohoe, a County Councillor of Wexford, said at a Gaelic League meeting at Ennis-corthy : ' The salvation of Ireland should certainly come through this Irish revival [the Gaelic League revival]. There would shortly be a line of demarcation drawn across the country, and they would have to take their stand under the National flag or the flag of Dublin Castle.' "Father O'Hea, at a Gaelic League meeting (Caheragh, Co. Cork), said that the movement 'would raise Ireland up to the level of an independent nation'. 130 De-A nglicisation De-A nglicisation have been given, produced their effect in the increasing suppression of all public recognition of the Imperial Government in the more general imposition of the Irish-language test in places where no Irish-speaking people exist, and, most significant of all, iu the boycotting of the police and the prosecution of a zealous campaign against recruiting in the army and navy. The last-mentioned department of the work has been carried out most thoroughly by the Gaelic Athletic Associations, which Mr. O'Daly and other apologists declare to be in no way connected with the Gaelic League, but which Dr. Hyde has eulogised as representing on the physical side the development of the League's de-Anglicising principles. No part of the labours of the propagandists of the 'Irish Ireland,' for which Dr. Hyde and his associates has been more heartily welcomed, abroad and at home, by the enemies of British rule than the anti-enlistment movement. "Mr. Long soon discovered, we presume, after he entered upon office, that he could not close his eyes as complacently as his predecessor had done to the effect of the teaching of Irish in the elementary schools introduced to gratify the de-Anglicising apostles of the Gaelic revival. The special grant, which Mr. Bryce is now going to renew and extend, was withdrawn last autumn. " The withdrawal of the grant drew an outburst of indignant protest from Dr. Hyde and his ' de-Anglicising' colleagues. The Strokestown branch of the Gaelic League fulminated a resolution declaring that in view of the action of the Government 'it was the duty of all Gaelic Leaguers, although the Gaelic League is a non-political association, to be disloyal to that Government and her representatives in this country; to weaken its "Again we read in the Sligo Champion of December 9, 1905 :— " ' A meeting of the Gaelic League was held at Curry, Co. Sligo, on December 3. The Eev. P. Mulligan, P.P., presided, and in the course of his address complained that " the foreigner's flag still floats over our soil, foreign customs and games, a foreign language and education is to the fore, everything native and natural is pushed into the background. This is not what should be ; this is what won't be. The Gaelic League has entered the arena and thrown down the challenge—the native v. the stranger. Ah 1 it is a noble cause, and one worth fighting for, the regeneration of this old land. Tail talk won't do the work. Deeds will. Therefore it is, my friends, that I exhort you to be up and doing, to take your place as tried men and true in the battle for intellectual freedom. The day for the Gael is nigh. He will soon enter his own again."' "The capture of the national schools by the teachers imbued with the de-Anglicising passion of Dr. Douglas Hyde and Mr. O'Daly proceeded apace under the sympathetic administration of Mr. Wynd-ham, who went over to Dublin in 1900 full of pride in his descent from Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the patriot who plotted to bring a French invading army to conquer his native land. Irish was taught before Mr. Wyndham's advent in less than one hundred elementary schools, while, before he resigned, it was established, as an extra paid subject, in two thousand schools. The amount paid in fees for Irish in 1901 was £955, and in 1904 over £12,000. At the same time the multiplication of branches of the Gaelic League met with no check, and incitements, such as those of which specimens 132 De-A nglicisation influence as far as possible; and, in particular, to use all their efforts to prevent all classes of our countrymen from enlisting in the British army'. At the same time, a resolution was passed that all names on carts, etc., should be painted in Celtic (sic) characters, and in Gaelic spelling, in defiance of the protests of the police that in this form they were not legible and were of no use for purposes of identification. Similar protests were multiplied in all quarters where anti-British influences were rife; but Mr. Long was, no doubt, aware that while the grant was still being paid, language quite as violent and intolerant—as many quotations given in these pages show—were (sic) of everyday occurrence. " The evidence furnished above of the separatist tendency and purpose of the teaching of Irish, as advocated by the de-Anglicising leaders of the Gaelic League, ought not to be ignored by Mr. Bryce. It is drawn from the writings and speeches of the men themselves who are working to eradicate all forms of British influence and to create, by their own avowal, an Irish Ireland. With a very few exceptions, the extracts are from Nationalist journals entirely in sympathy with the aims of Dr. Douglas Hyde. Nearly all of them have been frequently reprinted, both in Nationalist and Unionist publications, and widely commented on ; nor am I aware of a single case in which their accuracy has been disputed. With proofs like these under his eyes, can the Chief Secretary persist in asserting that the Gaelic revival, which works for the ' de-Anglicisation ' of Ireland, is ' a wholesome thing' ?" This lamentable effusion is based, of course, upon a singularly foolish and mischievous misconception, namely, that in de-Anglicising their country the Gaels of Ireland are committing a species of Gaelic Arts and Crafts 133 crime against England. In undertaking to "govern" Ireland by "British" ideas, it was England that was the aggressor, inasmuch as the former country was bitterly opposed to her usurpation ; and in undoing the work of England in Ireland, the Gaels of that country are merely consulting their national honour and convenience. Similar principles are actively at work in Scotland, the aims and objects of both Gaelic movements being identically the same. gaelic arts and crafts JEWELLERY It is obvious that anything like a technical treatment of this interesting subject would be singularly out of place in a purely literary publication of this kind. In the first place, this is not a journal of the applied arts ; and in the second, I have been given to understand that the object of these papers is not to afford technical instruction, which is easily obtainable elsewhere, but to rouse the modern Gaelic people to do something for, and by, themselves in respect of those arts and crafts for which their ancestors were justly celebrated. This being so, and wisely so I think, it is obvious that any remarks I may make on the subject of Gaelic jewellery should be more or less confined to an appeal to the Gaelic public to follow in the footsteps of their ancestors, who acquired so great renown and fame by reason of their proficiency in this respect. There are many works dealing, some exhaustively and in a technical fashion, others in a manner purely popular, with Gaelic antiquities; 134 Gaelic Arts and Crafts Gaelic Arts and Crafts 135 the world over; and for my part I am disposed to think that the demand for costly works of art, in which individuality and excellence of execution play their appropriate parts, is decidedly on the increase. Whether this is a natural or a largely artificial demand, I shall not here stop to inquire. No doubt fashion has a good deal to do with the quickening of the public taste in this direction; but so far as the craftsman is concerned it cannot be doubted but that this improvement in the public taste, accompanied as it is with a general increase of the spending and purchasing capacities, tends to benefit the craftsman, to diffuse correct notions of art and to increase the vogue for good work. As Scotland is a "nation" without possessing any of the essential symbols postulating nationhood, so are her arts and crafts similarly devoid of all truly national bias and signification. In arts she has ceased to be a nation, just as in politics she has ceased to be a nation. What art she has, just as what politics she may possess, are not Scottish, but British, or rather English attributes. The same decay which is observable in the political field, the same causes which have operated to deprive her of her political independence, and to reduce her to the dead level of her English neighbour—never a match for Scotland either in the strenuousness and vigour of her political life or in respect of the fertility and inventiveness of her artistic productions—have conspired to strip her of her national possessions and attributes. In other words, and more popular language, Scotland has been absorbed by England (whose livery the former now wears) "all along the line". No doubt it pleases us to imagine that this is not so; but the greater world without the boundaries of our three and for those whose interest and curiosity are of a more personal, practical and direct kind, there are our public museums and private collections. The would-be Gaelic craftsman, therefore, has abundant material at his disposal both in the shape of technical instruction and of concrete examples of the Gaelic jeweller's art. He has merely to rise superior to his circumstances in order to qualify himself in the direction indicated by these remarks. It is true, alas! that he must also set to work to educate his Anglicised countrymen up to a proper sense and appreciation of the beauty of Gaelic art, without which, I fear, he would, unless an individual of private ways and means, independent of his art, be like to starve. But I hold that true art, true beauty, joined to faultless execution, is never a drug, at all events for any long period of time, in the market. Genius is bound, sooner or later, to have its appropriate reward; and in the case of a Gaelic craftsman of parts, even though his countrymen should refuse him honour in his own country, depend upon it the great world outside would neither be so foolish nor so illiberal as to deny him the applause and the profit which his genius deserves. Persons of taste and refinement, of whom there are, fortunately, more in the world than a superficial survey of modern arts and crafts would lead us to suppose, are ever on the lookout for new and striking work. The art collector, moreover, is generally cosmopolitan in his tastes and sympathies, and cares not whence an artistic object proceeds, so long as it satisfies his love of art, and fulfils the essential principles underlying the same. There is no reason, therefore, why the Gaelic craftsman should not prosper abroad, if not in his own country. Beautiful objects are the same all 136 Gaelic Arts and Crafts shores knows infinitely better, and merely laughs at us for our pains. The fact that a Scot here andj there rises to exceptional position in England, and the fact that our countrymen make successful colonists at "home" and abroad, no more mean* that Scotland dominates England, or that she is> free to follow her own devices, even in Scotland* than the appointment of a Scot to be head butler or door-keeper in a great English mansion couli| be construed as an act symbolising and securing, his control of that house and its inmates. The] vulgar jest (in Scotland) about Scotland " annex^ ing" England is not only pitiful but mischievous1 pleasantry, whose only possible effect can be to confirm the popular English belief touching the quality of the humour which finds acceptance amongst us:. We have sold our birthright for a mess of pottage,-, and surely the least we can do is to swallow the: concoction, however disagreeable and humiliating it may be, without foolish grimaces—without quips and cranks which do but recoil on the dullards] and simpletons that egregiously utter them. Our political situation, then, being what it is, our artistic status is a necessary consequence there^ of; for unless a people possesses the machinery of) government in its own hands, you cannot reason^ ably expect that people to preserve intact its. national characteristics and attributes. If history proves nothing else it certainly proves this. The general decline of Scotland from the world's national standard, its gradual loss of those national characteristics concerning which Lord Rosebery^ spoke with so much feeling, pathos and eloquence but a short time ago, is attributable entirely to this,, that Scotland has been largely absorbed by Eng^ land. Our independence as a nation has gone, and Gaelic Arts and Crafts '37 with it, of course, the characteristics and attributes which constituted our nationhood, which were the spring of our independence, and which distinguished us from others. The signs and proofs of this decadence are general and far-reaching; and though pthey are not more striking and complete in respect ;of art than they are in regard to politics, yet the absence amongst us of all forms of art to which the •epithet " National" can justly be applied shows all L'too plainly how thorough and consistent our absorption has been. Regarded as a whole, the jewellery work of modern Scotland is absolutely featureless. The :best jewellery shops in London are undoubtedly [those which are either owned and staffed by ^Frenchmen, or which make a special feature of f -French products. English silversmith work main-plains its high reputation and its long-established [place in the affections of the English public; but ithe best jewellery is that which comes from Paris, tar is made in London from French designs and by French craftsmen. In Edinburgh and Glasgow a 'somewhat similar state of affairs prevails; but there is less French work and, consequently, less taste. The most of the articles displayed in the windows of the Edinburgh and Glasgow jewellers' windows hails from London, and is the work of English craftsmen; whilst no small part of it—and this applies to Scotland as a whole more particularly —emanates from the home of cheap production and artistic inefficiency—Birmingham. The predominating influence in Scotland in regard to jewellery, las in respect of nearly everything else, is therefore English ; and inasmuch as Scotland now draws tail her inspiration from that country—no longer Booking to the Continent for ideals, as for any 138 Gaelic Arts and Crafts Gaelic Arts and Crafts 139 those which figure in the jeweller's shop windows hail from Caledonia. Still, " Scotch jewellery " is not a national form of art; it is created merely by the application of universal principles and the commonest art forms to objects and emblems which, rightly or wrongly, are supposed to be "Scotch". Moreover, the taste displayed by the makers of these trinkets—their intrinsic value is-as small as their execution, generally speaking, is mediocre—is rarely commendable, being little better than rustic. To say truth, considered as a national product " Scotch jewellery " is thoroughly contemptible ; and I really should blush for the Scot who, being asked by some foreigner of education and good taste to show him what Scotland can produce in the "department" of jewellery should have the temerity to recommend him some of this terrible stuff.1 The second of these " schools " is that known as the " Celtic " ; and it is as little possible to speak in complimentary terms about the one as it is to do so concerning the other. This " Celtic " work seems to depend for its existence upon the vogue for wearing the Scottish national dress ; and its headquarters are in Glasgow and Edinburgh. In these two cities a certain number of craftsmen are kept permanently employed engraving shoulder brooches, 1 These remarks equally apply, of course, to Ireland. "Irish jewellery is in just as parlous a condition as Scottish, thanks entirely to the decay of national sentiment and self-respect in both countries. A traveller—a foreigner—once informed me that after looking at the priceless artistic treasures in the Dublin Museum, he came out and went into a jeweller's shop with the intention of purchasing some artistic memento of his visit. He was, of course, offered a collection of the veriest trash ranging from a pebble shamrock set in cheap gold down to a pig carved in bog oak ! A precisely similar state of affairs obtains in Scotland. interchange of principles and commodities, as she used to do—the marked inferiority of Scottish jewellery, as compared with English, is no doubt an inevitable consequence of the former country'* subordinate and provincial position. "Scottish" jewellery, in fine, is, artistically considered, but a negligible quantity; the best English jewellery goes to England: our share appears to consist mainly of the leavings of the London market. The predominating influence in Scotland is, therefore, English; but there are two small " schools," if I may be permitted the expression, of the jeweller's art in our midst touching which a few observations should be made. The first of these "schools" is what is called the "Celtic"; the second being what I am tempted to describe as the " Thistle and Cairngorm," for want of a better appellation. To take the last first, the vogue, almost entirely a popular and tourist one, for Cairngorms, thistles, and what is known as " Scotch jewellery " generally, would appear to be a growth of the cult of the lowland " Tradition ". This kind or " school" of art has no innate, inherent, no peculiar, or strictly national characteristics. It is simply based on sentiment of a somewhat "cheap" and crude kind. The common or shop-window thistle of silver or the really monstrous Cairngorm brooch appeal to a certain class of people (native and foreign) as being peculiarly " Scotch," though, of course, it is only owing to a somewhat elementary and unscientific association of ideas that they are at all considered to be so. One of the national emblems of Scotland is, no doubt, the thistle; and every one knows that the Cairngorm mountains produce the stone that goes by that name, though, by the way, but few of ¦140 Gaelic Arts and Crafts dirk handles, sgian dubhs, brogue buckles, sporan tops and the like, with designs which are morejoj less Gaelic. The demand for this kind of work is, therefore, to a large extent artificial. It does not spring from any particular acquaintance witjfl Gaelic art forms or love of the same for their own sakes; but depends upon the tailor's and haberdasher's conception of what is proper and customary, in respect of certain accessories to the national dress. Nor, as a rule, is this kind of work marked by much individuality—much less originality. The ¦designs chosen are invariably copied from existing examples, the majority of which are by no means amongst the most beautiful and characteristic of their kind. In fine, if I may paraphrase the remark of a certain famous statesman, who declared] that he approved of the Garter because there was "no d-d merit about it," my verdict on this] kind of work would be that it is manifestly undertaken in obedience to the commercial instinct— that there is, in short, no d--d love of art .about it at all. Apart from the limited use made of a few of the' more "popular" features of Gaelic art, in the manner described above, I am not aware that this valuable national asset is being turned to account at the present day anywhere in Scotland or Ireland: Certainly, the general application of the principles underlying Gaelic art upon a scale which would suffice to make the effort a national industry is a thing unattempted in Scotland and Ireland, even if it be so much as yet dreamed of. The process of national reconstruction is necessarily slow, no doubt; yet I venture to think that our progress in that direction is out of all proportion to the means we possess for accomplishing the same. Few races Gaelic Arts and Crafts 141- can compare with ours in respect of the number -[and wealth of the materials which we possess for reconstructing our national life ; yet national assets, (moral and material) which peoples infinitely less favoured by God than ourselves may well envy us the possession of, we, the degenerate descendants of a race once famous for its moral and artistic achievements seem incapable of turning to good account, [and would seem to be almost afraid to utilise for the benefit of mankind, as well as ourselves. The crowning glories of Gaelic art lie neglected in our' museums, and objects which it cannot be doubted any other people would long ago have freely availed themselves of in order to re-establish the principles. [upon which art amongst them should proceed, the^ [modern Gaelic race seems utterly incompetent to^ utilise. I make bold to say that had the English, or any other civilised people, possessed a tithe of Ithe art treasures which we as a nation possess, they would long ago have turned that priceless, legacy, not only to artistic, but to commercial account. In an age and in a country which is remarkable for the paucity and poverty of artistic achievement, in spite of the almost feverish demand which exists for artistic and original ideas, the discovery of means and resources such as those which the Gael of Scotland and Ireland fortunately possess, though most improvidently and foolishly neglect, would inevitably be hailed as a national windfall of extraordinary importance, and almost unlimited value. Craftsman would vie with craftsman in the production of works of art in which the essential principles of the national style should be 1 preserved : the public taste would quickly be educated up to the point of creating a national demand for these costly and beautiful objects; and the- Gleann Comhann attention of collectors and art lovers in all parts of the world would speedily be directed with the most gratifying results to all concerned, to their many artistic excellencies and abounding beauties. It is not too much to hope, I trust, that the Gaelic movement, which is at last beginning to show a wholesome and gratifying tendency to broaden its platform, so as to make it embrace the whole of our national life, will direct the attention of the people of Ireland and Scotland to the valuable legacy which the ancient Gaelic craftsmen have bequeathed us. To foster a taste for Gaelic art is surely no less the business of our leaders than to encourage a love of Gaelic letters and learning. The material advantages accruing from a propaganda in favour of Gaelic art in all its forms and manifestations attest a form of patriotism which possesses immense possibilities and innumerable attractions; but apart from the purely commercial view of such an undertaking, its educational value, considered in relation to our great self-imposed task of nation-building, or rather reconstruction, could hardly be exaggerated. A. F. gleann comhann " Le'r cead, c'ait' am bheil Gleann Comhann, oir ehuala mi feadhainn a' bruidhinn air an là roimhe. An e àite ainmeil a th'ann ?" Matà, m'eudail, tha'n t-àite ainmeil gu leòir; oir tha an Gleann fuaighte ri eachdraidh a tha cho tiamhaidh 's tha air chunntas. Tha Gleann Comhann suidhichte ann an taobh tuath Siorrachd Gleann Comhann 143 Erraghaidheal, a' sinneadh a suas an ear dheas bho thràigh Loch Leimhan. Tha baile 'n cois na tràighe aig bràighidh a' chladdaich ris an cannar a' Chàrnach. Air taobh thall na h-aimhne, tha Taigh-mòr Inbher Chomhann agus Tòrr a' Chomhann air a chùlthaobh. A' leanailt an rathaid-mhòir, agus an deigh dhut dol thar drochaid Chomhann, 's e a' cheud bhaile-fearrain air an d'thig thu a' Chraoit. Tha Inbher Ioghain mu d'choinneamh air taobh eile na h-aimhne. Tha moran am beachd gur th'ann an so a bha Mac Mhic Iain a' fuirach aig àm a' mhuirt, air an d'thoir mi cunntas mu'n cuir crioch air mo sgeul. Tha rithist Achadh nan Con a suas roimhad air a' cheart taobh do'n amhainn air a bheil Inbher Ioghain. Cum air do cheum, agus thig thu dh'ionnsuidh Lic an Tuim. Air dhut Leac an Tuim 'fhàgail air do chùlthaobh, bithidh an àth stad agad aig Clachaig. Tha'm barrachd cothrom agad a nis air deadh shealladh 'fhaotainn air Achadh nan Con taobh eile na h-aimhne. So agad a nis, Clachaig. Rach a staigh, agus leig t'anail. Theid mise 'n urras dut gu'm faigh thu aoidheachd o bhean-an-taighe, oir bha an fheadhain a thainig mar a thainig ise ainmeil feadh na dùthcha airson cairdeas is caoimhneas ris a h-uile duine fiachail. Tog ort, a ris, agus bi a' triall. Nach b'fhior a thuairt mi riut gu'm faigheadh thu fàilte agus furan o bhean Chlachaig ? Gabh a nis air d'adhart, agus gabh beachd air an uamhas a tha romhad. So agad Lochan - Acha - Triachadain. Thoir sùil suas air do làmh dheas air a' bheinn uamhasach tha sud. Cha'n e 'mhàin gu bheil i na 's direiche na saighead, ach 's ann a tha i ag aomadh a mach bho a mullach air dhòigh agus nach b'urrain do dhuine 's am bith direadh a suas 144 Gleann Comhann rithe. Ach seall a nis air an fhosgladh a tha 'na cliabh, leth an rathaid gu mullach : so agadsa, a Mhic chridhe, Uamh Oisein Mhic Fhionn. Suas, direach romhad, chi thu an "t-Innein," agus air do làmh dith tha 'n " Eigin" agus " Bidan na. Miann". Tha na ceudan do luchd-turuis as a. h-uile ceàrn de Rionn-Eorpa, agus à America a' tighinn a h-uile bliadhna a ghabh beachd air an uamhas-nàduir 'tha an Gleann so a' nochadh: a h-uile air a bhi air tàladh le eachdraidh thiamhaidh " Murt Ghlinne Comhann ". Ciod a nis air beachd a b'aobhar do'n droch-dhiol a chaidh a dheanamh air sluagh a' Ghlinne aig àm a' Mhuirt ? Mo cheisd ! Is iomadach aobhar a tha air a thagradh ; ach 's ann Dia a mhàin a tha bràth ! Bhiodh nàimhdean muinntir a' Ghlinne a' cuir na braide as an leth. Co dhiù, tha e fior 's nach 'eil's ann aig an fhortan mhòr a tha bràth. Anns na làithean a dh'fhalbh, bha nàimhdeas mòr eadar muinntir Lochabar agus muinntir Ghlmne Comhann. Cha'n fhaigheadh an Gleann ainm a b'fhearr o na h-Abaraich na " Gleann Comhann Slochd domhain na Meirleach "; ach fhreagaradh muinntir a' Ghlinne le bàrdachd ghrinn, agus theireadh iad, a toirt do na h-Abaraich comain an làmh:— " A bhriogaisag chloimhach, cha'n eil i 'Ghleann-Comhann, Cha ghoidadh iad gnothach cho suarach 'S ann tha i an Lochabar aig Sliochd nam fear-bradach Aig Ailein 'ga fallach's na bruachan." Agus, gus an latha an diugh, seadh, ann an suain thruim a' bhàis, ann an cladh Eilean Mhuna, Gleann Comhann H5 tha iad 'nan sineadh, fo'n fhòid, fada bho chèile aig dà cheann an Eileain. Gun amharus, bha 'bhraid air a cuir as leth Cloinn Dòmhnuill a' Ghlinne.. Bhiodh na Caimbeulaich—muinntir Bhraid-Albann agus Earraghaidheal—seadh, agus mòran eile, a' cuir oirre gu'm biodh iad a' togail cruidh agu& spreidh agus iomadh ni eile nach buineadh dhoibh fèin—a dh'aon fhocal gu'n robh iad mi-chuimhnach air aithne a tha 'ràdh "na dean gadachd". Co dhiù 'bha Cloinn Dòmhnuill a' Ghlinne bradach no gadach, bu mhath an leisgeul e gus an cuireadh as doibh. Tha mo bharail fèin agus mo bheachd agam air a' chuis. Ged a chaidh Mac Mhic Iain a h-uile ceum do dh'Inbheraora a thoirt a mhionnan, agus a nochadh ùmhlachd do'n Righ ùr a bha'nn, bha e air dheireadh, bha tuille 's fada. Chaidh a bhinn, agus binn a shluaigh a thoirt a mach. Bu " Phàpanach " e ! B'ann do'n Eaglais a shuidhich Iosa Criosda air thalamh e. A dh'aon fhocal, b'e a Chreideimh a dhith e ! Ciod an dearbhadh a th'agad air a bharail so ? Tha beul-aithris an t-shluaigh ! Tha e fior gu leòir nach 'eil so air ainmeachadh ann am paipeirean diomhair na rioghachd. Ach mar a thuirt daoine foghluimte riumsa, bha e furasda gu leòir so a chleith ann am paipeirean diomhair na rioghachd aig an àm. Eisd ris na briathran so. Sgriobh mi a dh'ionnsuidh an Athar Stephenson nach mairean mu'n cheart ghnothach so. Cha robh ann fear a b'eòlaiche air cuisean na h-Alba na esan. Ciod a thubhairt e ? " Neither Dairymple nor Macpherson tells us anything for or against the Catholicity of the Macdonalds of Glencoe. My impression always was that religion had a great deal to do with the massacre. The question of religion could easily be given the go-bye in such an investigation." D 146 Gleann Comhann 'Nuair a chuir an duine grinn, còir, an Ridire Eanrig Creag, a mach 'eachdraidh na h-Alba, bha e 'labhairt air a' cheart àm ud. Sgriobh mi d'a ionn-suidhsan cuideach, agus is i so an fhreagairt a thug e dhomh. " I cannot say that I have come upon any proof that religion had any decisive part in the Glencoe affair. No doubt it served to swell the prejudice against the cian, but I do not think that at that moment religious motive was very prominent in the minds of any of those responsible for Scottish affairs." Mar a thuairt mi cheana, tha beul-aithris sluagh na dùthcha diorrasach, diongmhalta mu'n chuis. A thuilleadh air a so, tha'm Bàrd Mucanach a rinn Marbhrann Murt Ghlinne Comhann a' nochadh a chreideas so, 'nuair a tha e a' seinn :— " Lamh Dhè leinn a shaoghail! Tha thu carach, mar chaochla nan sion, A ni nach guidheamaid fhaotainn Mar na sruithibh ag aomadh a nios. 'S i chneidh fein, thar gach aobhar Bhios gach duine ri caoine, 's e tinn, Breith Mhic-Samhuin air Saoidhean Tigh'nn a ghleachd riunn a thaobh cul-ar-cinn. A Righ ! fheartaich na greine Tha'n Cathair na /eile, dean sith Ri cloinn an fhir a bha ceutach Nach bu choltach ri feile fir chrion. 'N uair a thogte leat bratach, Croinn chaola, fraoch daithta, agus piob Bhiodh mnai ghaoil, le fuaim bhàs A' caoidh laoich nan arm sgaiteach 's ann stri. Gleann Comhann 147 Gu'n robh aigne duin 'uasail Aig a bhad' agus uaithe a' d'choir Cha b'i gheire gun tuigse Bha sa bheul bu neo-thuisliche gloir Ceann na ceille's na cuideachd Rinn na h-eacoraich cuspair dheth t-fheoil Cha b'e'm breugair' a mhurtadh Le luchd sheideadh nam pluicean air stòl. Ach fear mor bu mhath cumadh Bu neo-sgathach an curaidh gun ghiomh Cha robh barr aig mac duine ort Ann an ailleachd, 's an uirghiollach cinn. Anns a' bhlar bu mhath t-fhuireach Chosnadh làrach, as urram do'n righ, Mo sgread chraiteach am fulachd ! A bha 'n tigh chlaraidh 'n robh furan nam pios. Cha robh do chridhe mar dhragon 'Tarrainn slighe na h-eucoir a' d'churs 'S tu le' d'chlaidheamh ag eiridh As leth t-athar's righ Seumas a Chruinn Cait' an Albuinn's an Eirinn Luchd a thaghaich, 's a reiteach do chuis Bi'dh là eile ga dheuchainn 'S tus' ad laidhe gun eisdeachd fo'n ùir. B'iad mo ghradh na cuirp gheala Bha gu fuighantach, fearail, neo-chrion, 'S mairg a chunnaic 'ur n-uaislean Dol fo bhinn 'ur luchd-fuatha gun dion; Ach na'm bitheamaid 'nar n-armaibh Mu'n do chruinnaich an t-sleag air an tir Bhiodh luchd chotaichean dearga Gun dol tuilleadh do dh'armailt-an-righ. Gleann Comhann Cha robh gnothach aig leigh 'Dhol a leigheas nan creuchd nach robh slàn A' call am fala fo'n leintean Bha na fir bu mhor feil ri luchd-dhàn Nam b'e cothrom na feinne Bhiodh eadar sibh fhein's clann na Ghall Bhiodh eoin mhollach an t-sleibhe Gairsinn salach air chreabhagan chaich. Cha b'e cruadal an cridhe Thug dhaibh buannachd air buidheann mo rùin Tilgeadh luaidhe na cithibh 'S sibh, mo thruaighe ! gun fhios air a chuis Eadar uaislean a's mhithibh ~-J$ \ t Gun robh bhuaidh ud a' ruith oirnn o thus O'n i 'n uaigh ar ceann-uidhe Bi'dh na sluaisdean a frithealadh dhuinn. Cha b'i sid an fhuil shalach 'Bha ga taomadh mu'n talamh sa Ghleann 'S a luithad ùmaidh mar ghearan A bha cuir fudair na dheannaibh mu'r ceann ; A Righ dhulaich nan aingeal! Gabhsa curam d'ur n-anam's sibh thall Chaidh 'ur cunntas an tainead Le garbh dhusgadh na malairt a bh'ann. Thrus do chinneadh r'a cheile, Dheanamh coinneamh an dè anns an Dùn Ach cha d'aithris thu sgeula Fhir a b'urrainn a reitach gach cuis Ite dhaingean na'm beuma 'S am baranta treun air an cùl Bi'dh la eile ga fheuchainn 'S mise druidte fo dheile's an 'ùir. Gleann Comhann i Cha bu chocairean gioraig Chumail comhnard an slinnein ro chach; O'n la thoisich an iomairt Chaill clann Domhnuil ceann-fine no dha : 'N gleacair òg 'ur ceann-cinnidh 'Chuir a dhochas 'an smioraibh a chnàmh Gheibheadh cocaire bioradh Rogha spoltaich o spionnadh a laimh. Luchd a thragadh nam buideal Bheireadh earrach air ruban de'n fhiòn, 'N uair a tharladh sibh cuideachd Bu neo-bhruideal mu'n chupan ud sibh Ag iomairt thaileasg, a's chluichibh Air a chlar bu neo-thru'ail ùr gniomh Cha bu chearr a measg truid sibh 'N àm paidheadh na cuideachd's g'an diol. Gu'm beil mise fo mhulad Ag amharc 'ur gunnaidh 'air steile Sàr ghiomanaich ullamh Leis an cinneadh an fhuil anns a bheinn Ann a frith nan damh mullaich Far an deante leibh munasg air seilg, Ge bu tric sibh gan rusgadh Cha d'iarr sibh riamh cunntas's na beinn. Cha bu sgathairean gealtach Bhiodh a' maoitheadh an gaisge gach là Tha's eilean na'n cadal Nach duisg gus a faicear am bràth Luchd dhireadh nan eit-bheann Le'n cuilbhiarean gleusta na'n laimh 'S lionmhor fear nach d'rinn eiridh Bha na ghiomanach trèum air a h-earr. Gleann Comhann Righ ! gur mis 'tha for airtneul Ri àm dhomh bhi faicinn 'ur beann 'S cha lugha mo churam Ri bhi' g'amharc 'ur dutchannan thall Mar bitheadh mar thachair 'S ann leamsa gun b'ait bhi dol ann, Gus an tainig a chreach oirnn Mar gun tuiteadh a chlach leis a ghleann. 'S iomadh fear tha thoirt sgainneil Do'n tighearn òg air an fhearann so thall, Eadar ceann Locha-Rainaich. Rugha Shleibhte, 's bun Gharaidh nam beann Bha thu feicheannach daingean Far an eiste ri d'theangaidh an cainnt Mar urbal peucaig gu tarrainn, 'S mar ghath reubaidh na nathrach gu call. Leum an stiuir bharr a claiginn Le muir suigh, 's gun sinn ath-chainnteach dho Dh'fhalbh na croinn, 's na buill-bheairte 'S leig sinn uallach na slait air a sgòd. 'S bochd an dusgadh's a mhaduinn So fhuair sinn gu grad a theachd oirnn 'S ma gheibh sinn ùine ri fhaicinn Bheir sinn fncadh mu seach air chlo." Nach briagha am Marbhrann a rinn am bàrd Mucanach; ach cia mar tha'm marbhrann a' seol-tainn ciod a b'e creideimh muinntir Ghlinne Comhann ? 'Bheil thusa 'ghraidh! gun tiugse, gun tur-nàdair ? Nach cual 'thu mar a thuairt e:— " A Righ fheartaich na greine ! Tha'n Cathair na fèile, dean sith Ri cloinn an fhir a bha ceutach Nach bu choltach ri fèile fir chriom" Gleann Comhann '¦ 'Bheil thu am beachd, na'n duil, gu'm biodh e a' guidhe airson feadhnach nach robh a' creidsinn ann an staid Mheadhonach an taobh thall na h-uaghach ?" " Seadh gu dearbh, cha tug mi sinn fanear. A nis thugaibh cunntas air eachdraidh mhuirt o thùs a' ghnothaich." " 'S e sin, a Ruin, tha mi nis a dol a dheanamh gun mhoille." Aig àm an " Ath-leasachaidh" (ma tà, gu 'dearbh, is neonach am focal e) dhlùth-lean cuid mhòr de Chinn-feadhna na Gàidhealtachd ris an t-seann chreidheamh a thainig a nuas o làithean N. Challum Chille, agus shiorbhuanaich iad anns a' chreidheamh so fad nan linntean, ged a shaoil le roinn mhòr do dùthaich gu'n deachaidh an creidh-eamh so a " leasachadh " le feadhainn a fhuair coire do dh'obair Chriosda. 'S ann mar so a bha cùisean an uair a chaill I Seumas an Crùn. Thàinig a nis, Màiri nighean Sheumais, agus a fearpòsda Uilleam as an Ollaint thun a' Chrùin. Agus ma thàinig, bu mhòr an diubhail! An deigh Blàr na Buinne ann an Erinn, gheall Uilleam gu'm biodh e 'n a chùl-taice do'n chreidheamh Phrostanach, agus anns a' ghealltanas so, cha d'thug mionnan-eithich. Cha'n 'eil mi 'n ion innseadh an dioll a rinn e air na h-Eireannaich. •S leòir leam cunntas a thoirt air a ghiùlan anns 'an dùthaich so fèin. Chuir Uilleam a mach achd ag orduchadh gu'n d'thugadh na cinn-feadhna mionnan-dilseachd d'a reachd, agus gu'n strioch-adh iad dhasan roimh 'n 'cheud là do mhios deireannach a' Gheamhraidh anns a' bliadhna 1692. Uidh air n'uidh, agus fear an deigh fir, striochd na cinn-feadhna do'n reachd so, ged nach b'ann le 'n toil. B'e Mac Mhic Iain Ghlinne Comhann am fear mu dheireadh a gheill. Thog e air do Gleann Comhann Ghearrasdan-Dubh-Inbherlochaidh, ach ma thog bha e air dheireadh. Cha robh ùgdaras aig an oifigeach a bha 'sa Ghearrasdan a mhionnan a ghabhail. Cha robh comas air, agus cha robh air ach falbh air a cheum do bhaile Inbheraora, le teisteanas sgriobhta gu'n do nochd e e fèin ann an àm iomchuidh anns a' Ghearrasdan. B'e sin an latha mòr—cur is cuidhe agus gaoth 'ga reodh. 'Nuair a ràinig e bail'-an-t-siorraimh, cha mhòr nach robh e air 'mheilachadh leis an fhuachd. Thug e air an t-siorraimh a mhionnan a ghabhail. Ach ma thug, bha 'bhinn air a toirt a mach cheanna. Thill an ceann-feadhna mi-fhor-j tanach dhachaidh, làn-chinnteach gun d'rinn e a~ shith ris a' chrùn, cha'n ann a mhàin air a shon-fèin, ach airson a luchd-cinnidh cuideachd. 'S gann gu'n deachaidh aona mhios seachad, 'nuair a thàinig Capt. Caimbeul Ghlinne-Leomhan le freiceadan shaighdairean do Ghleann Comhann. B'e an leisgeul a bh'aca gu'n tàinig iad a thogail cis teachd-a-staigh agus càin eile. 'Nuair a fhoighnich Mac Mhic Iain dhiubh co dhiù a thàinig iad mar chàirdean no mar nàimhdean, fhreagair an Caim-beulach agus thuirt e gu'n d'thàinig iad mar chàirdean agus mar choimhearsnaich, agus thug e 'fhocal nach èireadh cron sam bith d'a fèin no d'a _ chinneadh. Air tàille a' ghealltanais so, chuir cloinn Dòmhnuill fàilt' agus furan orre, agus fad cheithir-là-deug, fhuair iad aoidheachd gun choimeas o fhir Ghlinne Comhann. Mu dheireadh thall thàinig oidhche a' mhi-fhortain, chruaidh ! An deigh do Mhac Mhic Iain agus do'n Chapt. Chaimbeul an latha 'chaithe an cuideachd a chèile, dhealaich iad mu sheachd uairean na h-oidhche le mùirn 's le meas do gach a chèile. 'Nuair a thug Mac Mhic Iain fanear Gleann Comhann 153 gu'n robh am freiceadan a fàsa meudachadh, bhuail amharas air gu'n robh foill agus cealgaireachd anns a' chuis. Ach, cha'n èisdeadh athair no a bhrathair ri droch-amharus 'sam bith an aghaidh onair Fir Ghlinne-Leomhain. Chuala Iain agus Alasdair, mic Mhic 'ic Iain na saighdearean a' •deanamh eagar nach robh an gnothach a' tighinn riu idir, gu'n robh iad deònach gu leòir seasadh aghaidh-ri-aghaidh ri fir a' Ghlinne ; ach gur h-e ni nar tamailteach a bh'ann 'tighinn orre bho chùl an cinn. Tha beul-aithris an t-shluaigh ag innseadh dhuinn gu'n robh a' chùis a chuir air fear de na saighdearan cho trom 's gun d'iarr e air fear-an-taighe 'tighinn ceum a mach leis, ach a chionn 's gun robh e air mhionnan nach abaireadh e dig, labhair e mar so ri clach mhòr a bha mu •choinneamh :— " A chlach ghlas a tha sa' Ghleann Ge mòr do chòir a bhi ann 'Nam b'fhios duit an nochd mar thachras 'S cinnteach nach fanadh thu ann ". Thuig an Comhannach as, agus ghabh e direach a dh'ionnsuidh Mhic 'ic Iain, agus dh'innis e dha mar a thacair. Dh'iarr Mac Mhic Iain air a chuid ghillean sùil a thoirt a mach fiach gu dè a chitheadh iad. Ach mu'n deachaidh iad ach glè ghoirid, ¦chunnaic agus chual' iad am pailteas. Mu'n do thill iad a dh'innseadh do'n Athair, chunnaic iad gu'n robh an taigh air chuartachadh leis na saigh-dairean. Chual' iad urchraichean na gunnachan am measg glaodh, caoidh agus gal agus bas-bhualadh na mnathan agus na cloinne. Bha iad gu tur neo-dheas gu stri ris na saighdairean a bha uile fo airm. Chaidh na saighdairean a staigh do sheomar Mhic 'ic Iain; loisg iad air, chaidh an i54 Gleann Comhann urchair roimh a chlaigeann, agus thuit e marbh an uchd a mhnatha. Chaidh a nis an ceòl feadh na fidhle. Thoisich a' chasgairt. Mu'n robh e sia. uairean's mhadainn, chaidh dà fhicead Comhannach a chuir do'n t-siorruidh. Chaidh na taighean a chuir ri theanadh. Bha freiceadan làidir anns gachj bealach; cha b'urrainnear do na diol-dèirce thruaghag 'teicheadh taobh 's am bith. Bha sneachda trom air a' bhlàr. Cha robh e 'n an comas dol a mach ri bealach an Innean, na idir ri Gleann-lic-na-muidhe. Chaidh na bh'aca ris an t-shaoghal a, thogail. Chaidh an cuid cruidh agus chaorach, agus gach sprèidh a bh' shaodachadh as a' Ghleann. 'S e so is ciall do'n phort:— "A mhnathan a' Ghlinne so, Ghlinne so, Ghlinne so, A mhnathan a' Ghlinne so 's minig dhuibh èiridh, Tha'n crodh air togail, Tha crodh air an togail,. Tha crodh air an togail, 'S Fir air an rèabadh ". Chaidh na saighdairean a staigh do gach taigh far nach d'fhag iad ach banntraichean agus dilleach^ dain. Ann an taigh a bha sud, theich giullan beag fo'n leabaidh; agus 'nuair a dh'iarr na saighdairean air tighinn a mach, fhreagair e agus thuairt e.. " Stad gus a criom mi mo chnàimh." 'S coltach ris gun robh an giullan a criom cnàimh feòla, 'nuair a bhuail na saighdairen a staigh. Chunnaic oifigachj bean bhronach, thruagh, 'n a seasamh am fasgadh! craige, agus leanaibh air a gairdean. Air ball, thug-e òrdugh do dh'fhear d'a chuid dhaoine, falbh agus cuir as do'n phaisde ma 's e leanaibh-gille bh'ann. 'S e leanaibh gille a bh'ann da rireamh; ach bha'n saighdairen bàigheil blàth-chridheach, agus cha a>! Gleann Comhann 155 chridhe aige dochair a dheaneamh air an leanaibh. [Thill e thun a chomanndair, agus dh'innis e mar a bha a' chùis. Fhuair e òrdugh e dhol air ais. I agus an leanaibh a mhurt, agus mar bharantas; [gu'n do choimhlion e a dhleasnas, bha e ri a chlaidheamh a nochadh do'n oifìgach smeurda le fuil an leinibh. Ach mo thuaighe! bha'n t-òrdugh cruaidh, agus bu chruaidh chridheach am fear a thug e. Ach cha robh comas air. Dh'fhalbh an saighdear le cridhe trom, ach, 'nuair a bha e faisg [air bean a' mhi-fhòrtain agus a' chruaidh-fhortain, thug e an aire gu'n robh cuilean beag a cuir furan lair, 's e 'n a sheasamh aig casan na mnàtha. " So [mo chothrom ! " arsa saighdear ris fèin. Thug e a. chlaidheamh as a thruail, agus spàrr e troimh 'n ichù e. Agus le glòir, mar gu'm b'eadh, agus le miad-mhòr, thug e a chlaidheamh smeurda le fuil a dh'ionnsuidh a' chapitain, a bha làn-thoilichte gu'n deachaidh òrdugh a choimhlionadh. Mòran bhliadhnaichean an deigh so, chunnacas fior-sheann duine a' gabhail an rathaid ann an Strath na h-[Apuinn. 'S e bial na h-oidhche bh'ann. Bha [frasan sneachd agus glib a' spùtadh a nuas thar monaidhean Chinn a' Ghearrloch. Cha robh an seann duine ach fann. Bha e 'n a choigreach 'n a (dhùthaich fèin. Thàinig an oidhche. 'S i oidhche (bhreun, dhorcha, fhuar a bh'ann. Cha robh an rathad ach leth-oireach ; ach chunnaic an seann [duine solus fada bhuaidh; ach ged a bha, cha b' jfhada 'g a ruighinn e. B' e so taigh Dhail na [Tràighe. Mu dheireadh, ràinig e taigh na h-aoid-heach, agus fhuair e fàilt' a chuir blas air cochall a chridhe. Ach mu'n deach e staigh, sheas e air a' stairsneach, agus bheannaich e an taigh a rèir an t-seann chleachdadh Ghàidhealach :— 156 Gleann Comhann " Beannaichear an taigh's na bheil ann, Eadar fhiodh, is chlach' 'is chrann, Mòran bidh, pailteas aodaich 'S slàinte dhaoine dha na bheil ann ". An deigh dha suidhe sios, agus greim bidh a' ghabhail, thoisich a' chracaireachd agus an còmhradh. Thug an sean duine cunntas air a chaithe-beatha. Bha e 's an armdearg; agus ged a bha, bha e 'diugh gun dachaidh gun charaid ris an t-shaoghal. Thuig fear-an-taighe gu'm b'e so fear de mhurtairean Ghlinne Comhann, agus bha e a' beachd cuir as da. Ach sheòl an sean duine, nach bu Chaimbeulach e, agus nach do dhòirt boinne fala anns a' ghleann. Dh'innis e mar a chaomhainn beatha 'n leinibh air gualann na màthar-mhi-fhort-anach thruaighe, ged a fhuair e òrdugh a chuir gu bàs. Dh'atharraich fear-an-taighe a bheachd, an àite a chore a chuir ann, 's ann a leum e suas, chuir .a làmh mu mhuineil an t seann duine agus phòg e e. Dh'innis e dha gu'm b'esan an leanaibh, agus gu'm bu tric a dh'innis a mhàthair dha a' sgeula cheudna. Fhuair an sean duine dachaidh bhlàth an oidhche sud, agus gach latha's oidhche fhad's" a bha beò. Theich fear de ghillean Mhic 'ic Iain a nun thar Torr a' Chomhann, agus a suas an Gearraileas. Thill e air ais ri taobh a' chladaich, agus shnàmh ¦e thar Port Eachain, agus thug e a chasan as, le sgeula thiamhaidh, a suas a dh'ionnsuidh a chàirdean agus luchd-dàimh do 'n Cheapach, agus do Ghleann a' Gharraidh. Dh'fhiach cuid de luchd-sgriobhaidh Eachdraidh ris a choire a thogail thar ghuailean an Dudsich; ach cha do bhuannaich leo; ghèill iad gu builleach. Mur a robh e cionntach, c' arson nach do smachdaich e an fheadhain a rinn a leithid de ghniomh thamailteach 'n a ainm ? A Millionaire and His Money 157 Bha na Caimbeulaich mar a bha iad, agus fhuair iad droch ainm gu leòir; ach an deigh sin, 's dha dheth, cha robh iad ach umhal do chumhachd a b'àirde. GiLLEASPUiG Mac Dhòmhnuill Mhic Eoghain. a millionaire and his money There is a homely saying to the effect that Satan always finds work for idle hands to do; and we presume that it is owing to some recent canvassing of Mr. Carnegie's leisure, on the part of the Universal Provider, that the millionaire in question has started his tiresome spelling-reform craze. We cannot say that we are particularly concerned with this latest (American) "crusade," or much enamoured of the means whereby Mr. Carnegie proposes to accomplish his object, whatever precisely that maybe. To bribe a certain number of "popular authors " to adopt the form of spelling favoured by the Pittsburg-Skibo millionaire is, no doubt, one way of "popularising" ideas which would appear to possess intrinsically little to recommend them; but we are bound to acknowledge that the means employed strike us as crude and vulgar, though, no doubt, the critics are correct in describing them as " characteristically American ". Still, Mr. Carnegie, his dollars and cantrips are really no affair of ours.. It is true that the Yankee millionaire in question maintains what the newspapers call a "palatial residence " in the Gàidhealtachd ; and inasmuch as he has one foot on Scottish soil as it were, perhaps, in view of his colossal wealth, some small curiosity as to his actions and utterances is inevitable, if not 158 A Millionaire and His Money excusable. Touching, however, Mr. Carnegie's "views" (as those of any similar person) on the subject of spelling reform we are, of course, profoundly indifferent. After all, so far as the English language is concerned, that is an " auld sang "; and the phoneticians were in the field long before millionaire Carnegie began to acquire the rudiments of that system which he is now seeking to overthrow. In the matter of spelling reform, therefore, the English language may, we think, safely be left to shift for itself. It has done very fairly well without Andrew Carnegie from Casdmon downwards ; and as outsiders and spectators we think it would be a mistake and a pity if, after so long a period, it were suddenly to become nervous about spelling. The indiscretion in question would, in our view, be considerably aggravated if the cause of that obsession were merely Andrew Carnegie. It would appear, however, that apart from spelling reform, free libraries and church organs Mr. Carnegie is a man of ideas. It seems that his spelling-reform crusade is merely a means to an end—a cloak for " world-wide " designs. Though an American citizen, the great man imitates the Birmingham Solomon in "thinking imperially". In the matter of the English language he is a full-blooded Jingo, with a touch of the Monroe brush. He is a rollicking shiver-my-timbers student of the bluest linguistic British "blue-water school". In fine, he is panting to see the English language made universal. We have heard it said of old time that there is no royal road to learning : let us fervently hope that, in spite of ominous indications to the contrary, there is as yet no plutocratic path to the realisation of " dreams " such as these. Mr. A Millionaire and His Money 159 Carnegie's dismal and dreary aspirations indeed provide melancholy reading. The Socialist view that the millionaire is a species of monster, which ¦society should not tolerate for an instant, is likely to become yet more popular, and in quarters hitherto regarded as impervious to Socialistic influences, in consequence of the postures of the American iron king. For our own part we are disposed to regard any millionaire, however humble and retiring, as a species of blot or stain upon civilisation. But when, to the possession of almost unlimited wealth, there is added crude and mischievous ideas of the sort nourished by this Mr. Carnegie, and a bold and advertising carriage to boot, it is obvious that the resulting danger to society becomes enormously intensified. May the day soon come when the very name of millionaire will stink in the nostrils of all right-thinking men! But, fortunately, there is good ground for believing that we are inclined to take Carnegie and his millions somewhat too seriously. "The idea that this reform, or any other," cries the London Standard, " will make English a universal language is a vain imagining." " In language, as in politics," says the same organ, " the universal tendency is towards nationalism." It is obvious, therefore, that even in the opinion of those to whom Mr. Carnegie's "dreams" must necessarily appear flattering, the great man has been reckoning without his host— without the spectre which has stolen, uninvited, to the feast of peoples and to the flow of souls, and now sits, silent but watchful and potential, at the head of the table—Nationalism. It must be disconcerting to an individual like Mr. Carnegie, who probably prides himself upon his modernity, suddenly to discover that, whilst he i6o A Millionaire and His Money has been endowing libraries, bestowing organs, and generally interesting himself in parochial affairs, ins pursuance of his own heroic self-imposed mission; of dying less rich than other people have made him, to discover that the old enemy of strenuous] middle-aged righteousness (in the shape of time] and the progress of events) has been stealing a. march on him. What cry in point of agony and bitterness can compare with that of him who hath, been born out of due season, or whose ideas are] stored up where moth and rust doth corrupt and;; where thieves break through and spoil ì It is true] that Mr. Carnegie's occupation as millionaire has] not yet gone—the economy of Nature is so won-; derfully kind, so happily thoughtful as ever to! find employment for the rich. But together with, his trade, profession—call it what you will—of millionaire, it is but too apparent that his ideas are' falling out of date. With his head buried deep; in the philological sands that strew the howling] wildernesses of the English language, Mr. Carnegie? has neither seen nor heard the rapid and stealthy approach of the arch-enemy of his ideas—Time.1 Time says that if a fool and his money must parta company, he at all events will have nothing what-i ever to do with the affair. Time says too (and he] is no flatterer) that as millionaire and as statesman-or reformer Andrew Carnegie is grievously out of' date. Whilst Mr. Carnegie has been laboriouslyj criticising the spelling of the signs of the times, Time himself has been playing leap-frog over the-Yankee's accommodating back. He has decreed! the flowing of yet another tide in the changeful affairs of men, whereby not only are all Mr. Carnegie's pet cargoes threatened with speedy shipwreck, but the millionaire himself is in danger ofj A Millionaire and His Money 161 being swamped, if not of drowning. After all, 'millionaire though he is, is there not something almost pathetic in the spectacle of this Yankee Jingo-¦receiving a sound ducking ? Such treatment must be sadly perplexing and disconcerting to one whose ¦mental merchandise—limited though it is as to 'quality and quantity—has hitherto found favour 'under that clause in the world's great intellectual 'tariff which goes by the name of "the most-favoured-individual clause ". " In language, as in politics," says the English 'newspaper, "the universal tendency is towards 'nationalism." How we thank thee for that statement, Saxon journal!—the more remarkable, the [more convincing, the more amazing, inasmuch as it hails from London—from Tory and " Imperial" England! Time was, and but comparatively recently, when we who held that theory were 'laughed at for our pains. The world, we were told, 'was not panting to be made free, but slaves. The 'smaller nations were not fearful of their national [rights and liberties: they were merely waiting in the pleased expectancy of being sooner or' later "absorbed" by some one or other of those disgraceful national hooligans whose bloated armaments stain our Christianity, and constitute the danger of the world. "The 'dying' and 'little' nations," we were smugly told, "have had their way"—just God ! reveal to us who sit in darkness and in the shadow of ignorance when dawned that bright and joyous day!- " Csesarism, imperialism, is the spirit of the age," And now at last the iwriting on the wall has been interpreted for all to mear and understand. The horrid nightmare of iCsesarism—the reign of might-is-right, long over-[past, thank God! so far as the individual is con- 162 A Millionaire and His Money cerned—is drawing to its stated and inevitable close. The erstwhile serf and slave, whose cruel and degrading shackles the civilised world long since indignantly struck off in the pious names of Christianity and civilisation, now communicates the fervour of his love of liberty and hatred of a foreign yoke to his fellow-countrymen—to his nation. The democracy of the world, no longer the sport of faction or the obedient servile instrument of selfish kings and courts, is rapidly acquiring a proper sense of its responsibilities and powers. " Live and let live!" it cries, with ever-increasing emphasis and startling articulateness. " Hands off humanity !" the mighty shout goes up. " Death to the tyrants—destruction to the peace-breakers! Society has long known how to deal with the individual murderer and robber : we mean to show the way how to cut off and root out the thief and the assassin en masse.' " God grant it may soon be so ! And we also (the Gael of Scotland) have a birthright to defend. We have our language to preserve—that tongue without which our nationality can be but as sounding brass and tinkling cymbal, or " Mar sguel a dh'innseadh ". Our language, fortunately, is a fine one, polished, refined, of great antiquity, useful, expressive, flexible, musical, copious, adaptable ; and, as the Chief Secretary for Ireland recently said in the House of Commons, it is further blessed in possessing a rich and varied literature. But even if it were none of these good things—supposing it were comparatively modern, had little or no literature, sounded harsh to the ears of the alien and the stranger, and lacked polish and refinement—suppose, instead of Dà Shaobh-Chreidimh 163 occupying a high place in the great aristocracy of tongues, it were a small unimportant speech, and not particularly regarded—still it would be our bounden duty to cleave to it, to love and cherish it, because God gave it to us; because it is ours, and because it is the badge, the outward and visible sign of our nationality. These are the sentiments which should inspire every patriotic Gaelic heart. From this point of view, and from this point of view alone, should we approach the discussion of all questions affecting the welfare of our language and race. Men may come and men may go, dynasties may rise and fall, empires may languish and decline, government officials and pedants may prove openly hostile or secretly indifferent, may rail and protest against our tongue or damn it with faint praise, but the duty of the people of Scotland and Ireland in any event and at all hazards is to see to it that, humanly speaking, and so far as they can secure it, the grand old language of the Gael goes on for ever. da shaobh-chreidimh Anns na Unnibh a dh'aom, chaidh uair eiginn leabhar araidh, ainmeil, a chur a mach, ris an abrar anns a' Bheurla Popular Supei^stitions. Anns a' chruinneachadh so, gheibhear a' mhòr chuid de na saobh-chreidimh leis am bheil daoine air am mealladh, 's air an cur am mearachd a ghnàth, agus sin an tomhas ro mhòr. Gu cinnteach, is iomadh ni a tha's an t-saoghal air fada, d'am bheil daoine a' toirt creideis, agus anns am bheil iad a' cur an earbsa gun amharas, gu h-iomlan; nithean anns nach 'eil gu firinneach, bun no bàrr. 164 Dà Shaobh-Chreidimk Is e ceann-aobhair do'n chleachdadh so gu'm bheil a' chuid a's mò de dhaoine maraon aineolach is claon le bhi 'leantuinn an ana-miannan fèin. Agus tha fios is cinnte air so, ma bheir sinn oirnn fèin ni a chreidsinn, tha sinn a' gabhail ris gu buileach, 's ga chreidsinn gu tur, a chionn 's gur h-e ar sochair-ne an ni sin a chreidsinn. Is ann mar so, ann an aon fhocal, a tha saobh-chreidimh air an togail, 's air an cumail suas ann ar measg. Tha saobh-chreidimh ann a thaobh gach ni ach beag a bhuineas duinn mar chreutairibh beòthail. Ach is ann a thaobh aoin diubh a mhàin a tha sinn a' dol a labhairt aig an àm agus anns an àite so. Agus is e sin saobh-chreidimh a thaobh ar n-Eachdraidh fèin. Tha mòran d' ar luchd-eachdraidh ag ràdh gu'n robh Albainn "air a deanamh" o shean (is e sin an dòigh labhairt a tha iad a' cleachdadh mu'n chùis so), leis an fheadhainn a fhuair greim (le ceartas no ana-ceartas), air gnothuichibh rioghail na h-Alba anns na linnibh a dh'fhalbh. Ach nach e rud 'tha tur faoin, neo-ghlic, neo-thuigseach a bhi 'ràdh gu'n robh Alba " air a deanamh " leis an leithid sin de dhaoine troimh an robh i air a milleadh 's air a sgrios 's air a dubhadh as mar dhùthaich air leth ? Anns na bliadhnaichibh a dh'aom, bha Albainn 'n a dùthaich air leth, le a righribh, 's a laghanna, 's a cainnt's a cleachdaidhean fèin; ach an diugh tha i 'n a creach aig Sasunn. Cionnus ma tà, a dh'fhaodar a' radh gu'm bheil sinn 'n ar muinntir air leth (agus saor) ma tha sinn gun Righ, gun laghanna, gun chanain, gun chleachdaidhean air arson fèin ? Ciod is ciall do'n bhaoth-fhocal so ? Ma tha sinn 'n ar muinntir no 'n ar cinneach air leth, c'ait' am bheil na samhlaidhean 's na dear- Dà Shaobh-Chreidimh 165 bhaidhean a tha 'comharrachadh a mach dhuinn sin mar mhuinntir air leth ? Agus mur 'eil sinn mar sin, is amadan is cealgair esan a tha ag innseadh dhuinn gu'm bheil sinn an drasta 'n ar cinneach air leth. Saobh chreidimh sluaigh-mheasail eile. Tha cuid ag ràdh gu'n robh Albainn " air a deanamh " leis na daoine a thug a steach " an t-Ath-leasach-adh " gu Albainn. Ach is amadanan is cealgairean iad sin mar an ceudna. Sgriobh T. F. Mac Ean-raig, a chuir a mach Eachdraidh-bheatha nuadh Ban-righ Màiri o chionn ghoirid mu'n so mar a leanas:— "But it is as idle to denounce the narrow intolerance and unlimited ecclesiastical ambition of Knox, as it is absurd to belaud them or to affirm that the Scot was practically not the Scot until Knox created him. The contribution of any single individual to the formation of what is called national character can in the long run be but infinitesimal, however much he may be able to contribute to a nation's temporary eccentricities. There could, for example, be no greater misrepresentation of the legacy Knox left to Scotland than to affirm that it owes to him its intellectual freedom, such as it is. Intellectual freedom cannot be gained at a bound; and not only so, but the intellectual freedom which many now deem an indispensable element of their manhood was not then supposed to be a proper possession for any one ; and Knox, an ecclesiastic to the marrow of his bones, had he met it in any one, would have been almost petrified with horror" (Mary Queen 0/Scots, vol. i., pp. 34, 35). Is Prostanach Mr. T. F. Mac Eanraig, agus is mòr is àrd an tlachd a tha e 'cur oirnn fèin e bhi 'sgriobhadh mar so. i66 The Gaelic Church the gaelic church1 Of the making of books there is no end, and said the Ever-Wise, tha mòran leughaidh 'n a sgios do 'n fheoil. If Solomon had been a modern reviewer, oppressed by an overpowering sense of the quantity, if not the quality, of the modern literary output, his implied rebuke could scarcely have been better or more seasonably expressed. But Father Columba's book is not to be so slightingly classified ; nor is his pen to be so easily gainsaid. The Gadarene swine, in interminable droves and in the shape of the inglorious army of authors, may daily precipitate ' themselves into the sea of oblivion, impelled thereto by ten thousand printers' devils, to say nothing of the maledictions of the omnivorous, if not, in his wilder moments, exclusively carnivorous reader; but Father Columba's book admirably fills that most elusive and imaginary of all vacancies, namely, the " long-felt want" ; and he would be an ^discriminating reviewer, and vastly unconscionable as well, who should contumaciously refuse it that only which it is in his power to give it—its just meed of praise. We commend the plan, no less than the execution, of Father Columba's book. The former is simplicity itself; the latter representing just the kind of literary treatment which a controversial work of this kind requires. When you have ignorance to dispel, preconceived opinions to dislodge, and prejudice like adamant to dissolve, you must needs grasp the nettle boldly ; not with a civil grimace, a " by your leave," and hat in hand. And 1 The Early Scottish Church, by Dom Columba Edmonds. Sands & Co. Edinburgh, 1906. The Gaelic Church 167 when you have an elaborate structure to raise, see to it that your foundations be well and truly laid, or the last state of that edifice, however originally pleasing to the eye, may be infinitely worse than the first. Father Columba, like the able literary tactician he evidently is, has clearly recognised that the key to the enemy's position lies in the " papal claims "; and, like the experienced literary general he evidently is, he has brought all his guns to bear upon that doomed spot, in and about which the Protestant rebels had entrenched themselves. The effect of his masterly assault, if just what those who were acquainted with the superior equipment and morale of the attacking party had good reason to expect, is none the less amazing and complete. Not only has he shattered the enemy's pet defences and earthworks to smithereens, but he has also blown the luckless defenders sky-high. Even with the aid of our powerful field-glasses we are unable to discover so much as a shred of that army. Not a particle remains of the tub of Mr. Primmer, or of the ecclesiological toggery of Dr. Cooper, bag and baggage, lock, stock and barrel—all, every-« thing have been forcibly removed from the scene ! Father Edmonds wisely concentrates all his efforts upon the subject of the papal claims, upon showing, that is to say, the connection which existed between the Roman Pontiffs and the scattered branches of the Church Universal; and upon this interesting subject he has accumulated a mass of evidence, favourable to the existence of that connection, which, we cannot but think, the unprejudiced and impartial reader must allow to be absolutely conclusive. It is obvious that if the Catholic Church can show that the Gaelic Churches The Gaelic Church of Scotland and Ireland were in communion with the Eoman Church and were subject to the Roman Pontiffs, our case for "historical continuity" is completely established. The opposing view, which Father Columba effectually and, let us hope, finally demolishes, is, of course, that the early Churches of Scotland and Ireland owned no allegiance to " Rome" but were independent, self-governing bodies, akin rather to the Eastern than to the Latin form of Christianity; and on this latter point we hope it is not too much to expect that the final word has now been spoken, and that we shall hear no more of that preposterous theory, even from Protestants, whose dexterity in escaping from inconvenient or untenable positions is passing proverbial. But on this subject we apprehend that we cannot do better than quote Father Columba's own words: "To these testimonies," he says, "to belief in papal authority from Celtic liturgy there must be added the important fact that Latin was used by the Celts for Mass, Office, Sacraments, just as it is to-day by 'Roman' Catholics. Had the ancient Scottish Church been an independent offshoot from Christianity then its services would never have been in the tongue of Rome, but in Gaelic, its vernacular. For be it remembered that neither Ireland nor the northern part of Caledonia ever yielded to the dominion of the Roman Eagle. If the early liturgy of the Celts had come direct from the East (as some have erroneously supposed), and not by way of Rome and Gaul then it would have been in Greek or some other tongue of the Orient. The stern fact, however, remains that the liturgy of the Gaels was in Latin. Latin terms and not Greek have entered largely into the ecclesiastical vocabulary of the ancient (and, one might The Gaelic Church •add, unchangeable) Gaelic of Ireland and Scotland. Even the anti-Roman Warren is forced to acknowledge that there is no trace of a vernacular liturgy having been in use in any portion of the Celtic Oiurch"1 (p. 232). On the subject of the supremacy of the Roman •See we think we cannot do better than allow this •admirable book to speak for itself. "Dr. Todd," says Father Columba, " though not admitting the Roman mission of St. Patrick, says with all seriousness that even if such a mission could be proved,2 it would not by any means follow that the early Church of Ireland depended on the See of Rome. He illustrated his contention thus : ' The fact that 1 This regulation, however, by no means excludes the ceremonial use of the Gaelic language in those prayers and services •of the Church (and they are many) wherein the Latin tongue is not prescribed. With regard to the use of Latin in the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, Father Columba writes as follows: "The use of Latin in the liturgy is often a source of perplexity to non- St. Cyprian, a.d. 248, calls the Roman Church " the chief or ruling Church, whence the unity of the priesthood has its source". St. Damascus, a.d. 366 (the same who had charge of the "youthful Ninian " when in Rome for the purpose of studying Catholic doctrine in preparation for his Scottish mission), says: " Dearest brethren . . . you cease not, as the custom ever has been, to refer all those things which can admit of any doubt to us, as to the head . . . tha^t supported by the authority of the Apostolic See you may not deviate in anything from its regulations. ... It does with reason concern us, who ought to hold tho chief government in the Church, if we by our silence favour error." Pope St. Siricius, a.d. 384, who ordained St. Ninian bishop for his work in Scotland refers to himself as the "heir of his (the Apostle Peter's) government" ; and he describes his See as " the Apostolic Rock upon which Christ constructed the Universal Church". Hear, too, what St. Jerome, a.d. 390, says: " If any man is united to the chair of St. Peter he is mine"; and St. Augustine, a.d. 400, addressing Pope Innocent, observes : " We think that those who entertain such perverse opinions will more readily yield to the authority of your Holiness, derived as it is from the authority of the Holy Scriptures". For further evidence on thi& point the reader is referred to Father Columba's interesting and instructive pages. If the Church of St. Patrick did not acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, then as Father Columba observes: "Celtic Christianity was an extraordinary production. At the time of St. Patrick's mission, Britain, as we have seen, acknowledged it. Gaul, Spain, Italy and Africa 172 The Gaelic Church did the same, and as yet the Greek schism from the Roman See had not taken place. As a matter of fact, the early Church of Ireland was in full communion with the rest of Christendom, as history] records, and, therefore, must have accepted papal] supremacy as part of the common faith. Had it been otherwise, the fact would have been as widely recorded as is the heresy of Pelagius." " Thanks be to God!" said St. Patrick (Book of Armagh), "you have passed from the Kingdom of, Satan to the City of God ; the Church of the Irisja is a Church of the Romans ; as you are children of] Christ, so be you children of Rome." 1 Columbanus, who had conversed with Patrick's own disciples, thus wrote to Pope Boniface IV.: " The Catholic faith is held unshaken by us (Irishì just as it was delivered to us by you (the Pope's) successors of the Holy Apostles ". And coming to our own Colum Cille what do we find ? " Seldom," says Father Edmonds, " has the belief of any saint been more seriously misrepresented than St. Columba's." According to the ex-] ploded Dr. Ledwich, Colum Cille and his followers " firmly opposed the errors and superstitions of the Ghurch of Rome"! A less mouldy writer than Ledwich, Dr. Lightfoot to wit, affirms that " Celtic Christianity grew up a strictly native growth," whilst at one time a belief obtained currency, but only in exceptionally ignorant, credulous and flyblown quarters, it is true, that St. Columba was a kind of John Knox ! Father Columba easily rebuts these offensive and insulting charges by the production of indisputable evidence; but apart from tradition and the proofs furnished us by St. Adam- :Dr. Whitley Stokes is of opinion that these sayings are | really the saint's own composition. The Gaelic Church 173, Inan and other ecclesiastical writers, it is surely sufficient for any sane being to know that the Churches of Scotland and Ireland, being identical (as they were), the religious faith of the two countries must necessarily have been the same 1 [and what that faith was every unprejudiced person [must needs be agreed. "I do not hesitate to Iffirm," says Father Edmonds, "that St. Columba. (had as little to do with Presbyterianism or Anglicanism as the present writer has to do with the 'administration of the Fiji Islands." This is putting it forcibly, if gently. Our own opinion is that any [Scots Protestant reading this book—especially any Protestant Gael—reading this admirable book and [continuing to claim " historical continuity " for his [particular heretical nostrum had better write himself down a bigot and a blockhead at once, so as to save himself (and others) all further unnecessary trouble. The book is well and clearly printed. Its. 1 present price (viz., six shillings) will, no doubt, be [considerably reduced if a second edition be called [for, which in view of the educational value of a [work of this kind we sincerely hope may be the^ fcase. We have noticed no typographical or other 1 errors ; and the only ìaults we have to find are the; rbrevity of Bishop Chisholm's admirable little Preface, and the constant occurrence of the words. 1" Celt" and " Celtic " where " Gael" and " Gaelic'" [should, with more propriety, have been employed. 'The community at Fort Augustus (as well as Father [Columba) are to be congratulated on the appearance of his excellent volume. We hope that where Ithey have begun so well, they will be encouraged to Iproceed; for though the harvest is ready, yet the. labourers are few. ^74 Recent Industrial Developments recent industrial develop- 1 ments The rejection of the scheme for the amalgamation •of the Highland and Great North of Scotland1 Railways must be a source of satisfaction to every, well-wisher of the Gàidhealtachd. Into the detail! of that scheme, so far as it would have affected the] interests of the rival railways, and the pockets of the respective shareholders, we do not propose to] ¦enter. The subject has been canvassed from thosa points of view gu leòir; and in view of the eruption] of figures and statistics which a somewhat acrimonious discussion has been the means of creating in] .the local press, we see no necessity for further] piling Pelion upon Ossa. The subject, however! possesses a wider interest than some of the dis-: putants would appear to imagine, and now that this ill-starred project has been finally and effectui ¦ally quashed, we think it high time that public] attention should be directed to some of the morel important aspects of this unhappy proposal. And first let us say that, upon public grounds, we are glad that this scheme for the " absorption" of the Highland Railway by the Great North of Scotland has been defeated. We are no believers] in " absorption," or in the creation of monopolies, political or otherwise; believing that the best interests of the public are more likely to be consulted and served where such conditions do not obtain than where they are allowed to be erected byj private individuals and corporations for the creation and preservation of commercial preserves. So long as the State merely tolerates and patronises the railways and the other public means of conveyance, Recent Industrial Developments 175 without owning them, so long, we hold, should «hese monopolies, on public grounds, be resisted. rFor our own parts, we cannot but think that as the postal and telegraph services are in the possession of Government, and worked by them, so the railways of the country should also be in their hands. This seems to us the most natural and the only logical arrangement; but pending the acquisition of all the public means of transit on the part of the State, we hold, and hold strongly, that monopolies of the kind contemplated by the Great North foi Scotland Railway are opposed to the interests of the public. As to the Highland Railway Company qua Company, we have no particular reason to make I its grievances our own ; and we are not aware that the matter has yet struck any one else in a more philanthropic light. Whatever the shareholders may have to say about the management of this company, is not, we suspect, likely to be a whit more complimentary than what we have every reason 'to believe they are accustomed to utter concerning its profits. The attitude of the general public, however, as regards the company, is decidedly supercilious, if not absolutely contemptuous. It òs tolerated rather than approved ; and were it not I that the contemplated removal of the railway headquarters from Inverness to Aberdeen would have dealt a sore blow to Inverness trade and prestige, we imagine that, even in that town, few would have taken the trouble to put pen to paper to combat the threatened change. So far as bare merit is concerned, this company has been repeatedly tried and found perseveringly wanting; [and as a matter of sentiment, its absorption would Iprobably have appealed to but comparatively few. 176 Recent Industrial Developments The importance, however, of this proposal (now that it is quashed), and of the discussion to which it gave rise, consists in the use which the company in question proposes to make of the same. It is. high time that the Highland Railway, following the example of more enlightened and less distracted concerns, should set its house in order. And more particularly should it set to work to disprove the unkind things which have recently been said about it, by turning its attention to the industrial development of Gaeldom. It seems to us that both the Highland Railway and Inverness have hitherto done little to justify their existence, so far as the Gael of Scotland is concerned. The latter is fond of posing (in the tourist season) as the " Highland,h capital, though in what respect it is " Highland," or what qualifications it possesses as a capital, it would be difficult to determine. A more thoroughly provincial and anglicised centre than Inverness, we venture to think it would be impossible to discover; and judging by its past achievements and exploits the railway, of which it is the " feeder," is in just as parlous and somnolent a condition. The public interest, then, is not at all concerned with the pros and cons, the rights and wrongs of amalgamation as seen through shareholder or purely Invernessian spectacles, but with the larger question of the company's status in respect to the Gàidhealtachd at large, and, incidentally, with the position of Inverness itself, as a possible capital of " the Highlands ". Obviously, if this railway is to be what it professes to be, namely, a " Highland," that is, we presume, a Gaelic concern, it must take some trouble to justify the title. It may be said to have received its final warning in the threatened amalgamation scheme; and though it may be al- Recent Industrial Developments 177 lowed to have escaped therefrom barely by the skin of its teeth, yet it is obvious that interest alone, and not affection and sentiment, played the determining part in effecting that deliverance. No one is satisfied with the company as it presently stands —least of all the shareholders, we believe. As a whole, the Gaelic public thinks little of it. Its policy, if it may be said to have possessed one, has been ambitious, unproductive and costly. Its critics complain, and justly complain we think, that instead of developing its legitimate territory, it has been struggling to extend its " system " in undesirable, if not impossible, directions, thereby exposing itself to the charge of frittering away its resources upon doubtful and ambitious experiments, whilst neglecting to improve and to develop resources and opportunities well within its reach. It has also incurred the charge of entering into useless and extravagant competition with companies far richer and more powerful than itself—to the inevitable neglect, of course, of much more useful, but, doubtless, far less pretentious work. How far this latter charge may be justified, it is difficult, of course, for us to say; but, in any event the facts remain that the company is presently in a condition the very reverse of flourishing, and that dissatisfaction with its conduct and general management is practically universal throughout Gaeldom. To what extent Inverness, with her extravagant "North-British" notions and fatuous belief in the "wider field" superstition, so dear to the hearts of "British" statesmen, has been contributory to this lamentable result, it would be difficult to say ; but it also, if it really wishes to be indeed that which it arrogates to itself by way of name—the " Highland " capital—will have smartly to wake up. 178 Recent Industrial Developments For the past two centuries it has been pottering along in an aimless, feeble kind of way—a sort of cross between a monster village and a seedy proa vincial town of barely middling size. Most of the year it stertorously hibernates; but with the approach of August, some small movement is observed^ The haberdashers' windows assume a Walter Scott. mm Flora Macdonald appearance, and on the strength of this sumptuary display, Inverness coolly proclaims herself "the Highland capital"! We] have no desire to question the grounds on wMH this high-sounding title is based; but what we dol desire to point out and to insist on is, that if Inverness wishes to make good her claim to it, she: must show adequate cause why the honour in quesa tion should be hers. Hitherto, as we have saidl she has done absolutely nothing to justify her claim] in the sight of the world. Inverness is not a hit! more " Highland " than Aberdeen or Dundee, anoj that example of light and leading in regard to] affairs Gaelic which we should naturally expect \ from her, and which we have a right to insist on,-in view of her unique position as the alleged capital] of the " Highlands," she has hitherto carefully re-1 framed from giving. The time has gone by when a title of this kind was generally regarded as some-] thing not to deserve by hard work and practical endeavour, but as a kind of eleemosynary label-^ something to attract passing tourists and the senti-3 mental but uninformed generally; but not otherJ wise practical or of serious account. The Gaelic] movement is now a living force, whose power and popularity increase daily, and whose very definite, social and political aims render the country increas-j ingly intolerant of anything in the nature of humbugi and sham. We desire to see Inverness a real capital Recent Industrial Developments 179 of the Northern Gàidhealtachd—for capital of the whole of Celtic Scotland she can never now be, in view of the growing importance of Oban as a Gaelic centre and the latter's avowed determination to constitute herself the Gaelic capital of the West— and inasmuch as her past experience cannot but [have convinced her of the futility of the policy [hitherto pursued by her civic rulers of anglicising rail her native means and resources, perhaps it is ?not too much to expect that contrary measures 'will henceforth be embraced. It must be patent to I the meanest intelligence that as a " North-British " I town with "Imperial" leanings, Inverness has 'proved socially, commercially and artistically a I dismal and lamentable failure. In that respect, 'the superior attractions of Margate and Blackpool —to mention but two of her infinitely more popular 'and prosperous English rivals—have proved too much for her. She has wasted her substance with-lòut possessing herself of even the ghost of the [shadow she grasped at. We advise her to "re-Imount to first principles "—to establish her claim ìto a half share in the title which she has unjustifiably usurped and does nothing to deserve—before I it is too late. She can make a wholesome beginning fby agitating for the establishment within her limits [of the Gaelic Training College for School Teachers, ; which, we understand, it is the intention of Government shortly to erect. The reversion of this gift has already, we believe, been offered to Oban—indeed [there are not a few who hold that by reason of ipast indifference and neglect in respect to things Gaelic, the supposed " capital" of the " Highlands " has already forfeited her claim to that college— and if Inverness persists in her refusal to wake up, and to take her proper share in supporting the 180 Recent Industrial Developments "burden" of Gaeldom, not only will that benefit be withheld from her, but it will become the bounden duty of the Gaelic public to do all in their power to put a stop to the fraudulent use of their name on the part of the town and people of Inverness. The proposed widening of the Caledonian Canal is a measure which all who have the interests of the Gàidhealtachd at heart should do their utmost to promote. We are all in favour of the increasing and bettering the means of communication in Celtic Scotland, believing, as we do, that the prosperity of our people is largely dependent on the development of the natural means and resources of our country. This is a phase or aspect of the Gaelic movement which its well-wishers will do well to press upon the attention of their countrymen. No small part of our aim consists in restoring to the Gàidhealtachd its former prosperity through the channel of local improvements, and by means of the establishment of local arts, crafts and industries. The movement is necessarily intensely friendly to all such projects and enterprises, whether emanating from Government, or the work of private individuals ; and those persons who think that we proceed upon sentimental and antiquarian grounds alone, and that the language has reason to fear the advent of railways and motor cars, have either signally failed to appreciate the significance of the forces at work, or are constitutionally unable to understand them. The "up-to-date " view, to use a barbarous though a convenient expression, is essentially the modern Gaelic view. We have nothing to do with Jacobitism, antiquari-anism, or with any other " ism " which " makes for" museums and dry-as-dust collections of antiquities. We claim to represent, not the dead, but the living i Recent Industrial Developments 181 and if modernity is to be considered as the sole test by which our movement should be tried, we have no hesitation in saying that, judged by this standard, our agitation will be found to be uncompromisingly modern and progressive. For similar reasons, we hail with satisfaction the present Government's proposals in regard to the crofters—a long-suffering and much-enduring class. The Act of 1886 has admittedly long outgrown its original usefulness; and the time has now come when it should be superseded by a larger and a more generous measure. With some of the reasons advanced by Scottish members of Parliament for the passing of that measure, as for the broadening and deepening of the Caledonian Canal, we are not in sympathy; but so far as the former will operate to keep the people of the soil on the soil, and to lighten the grievances and burdens which they labour under, that measure has our unqualified approval, and our heartiest good wishes for a safe and speedy passage through the manifold shoals and quicksands of English Parliamentary procedure. It was not to be expected that the present proposals should possess that quality of finality and bear that character of thoroughness which, doubtless, any such proposals if submitted to a purely Scottish Chamber would almost necessarily carry with them ; but pending the acquisition of that "larger measure" to which both Scotland and Ireland, as national entities, are now looking eagerly forward, the bill to be passed through the English Houses of Parliament provides acceptable reading, and, considering how few good things come out of that quarter, constitutes something to be devoutly thankful for. 182 Parliament and the Gael beannach buachailleachd Cuireamsa an sprèidh so romham, Mar a dh'ordaich Righ an domhain. Moire 'gan gleidheadh, 'gam feitheamh, gan coimhead Air bheinn, air ghleann air chòmhnard. Eirich a Bh ride mhin-gheal, Glacsa do chir agus d'fhalt; 0 rinn thu doibh eòlas gun òr 'Gan cumail o chall's o lochd, 'Gan cumail o chall's o lochd. 0 chreag, o chabhan o allt, 0 chara cam, o mhille sluic O shaighdibh nam ban seanga sith O chridhe mhi-rùn, o shùil an uilc O chridhe mhi-rùn, o shùil an uilc. A Mhoire Mhàthair, cuallaichs' an t-àl gu lèir ! A Bhride nam basa-mine, dionsa mo sprèidh! A Chaluim chaoimh, a Naoimh is feàrr buadh, Comaraichsa crodh an àil, bàirig am buar Comaraichsa crodh an àil, bàirig am buar. parliament and the gael When the late elections were over it was generally recognised that something more than a mere transference of party political power had occurred. The success of the Labour Party undoubtedly meant the appearance of a new force in contemporary politics; and viewed as a whole, the elections abundantly justified the frequently expressed opinion that any Parliament and the Gael 183 return to the political statu quo was clearly impossible. Discounting, however, the unexpected success of the Socialist candidates at the polls, it cannot be said that the change which parliamentary representation has undergone is altogether matter of surprise. The natural growth of political thought and opinion is in itself sufficient to account for no small part of a change which in some quarters has been stigmatised as a practical " revolution". Clearly, the world of politics cannot stand still: it is as much subject to the laws of natural evolution as any other department of human enterprise and activity; and general elections serve but to mark the successive stages in the growth of public opinion with respect to political principles and ideals. Sometimes this expansion of the mental forces constituting "politics" is gradual and silent: at others, it is a more demonstrative and noisy growth, which the objective mind finds easier to diagnose and to limit. But in any case, expansion is a necessary consequence of existence; and the ideas of to-morrow become in an ever-increasing ratio of rapidity the principles which are found to be applicable to the solution of the pressing problems and questions of to-day. As a mirror of current political thought or as a means of stereotyping contemporary political opinion it cannot be said that the English Parliament is a perfect machine. The growth of " politics" is so rapid nowadays that by the time the new Parliament is elected it has almost ceased to be a scientific evolution of the old. What puts one party into power and drives another out of it is generally one of those "waves" of political feehng which, as is the nature of such purely 184 Parliament and the Gael Parliament and the Gael 185 natural displays, are no sooner raised but they are spent. So that almost by the time the new Parliament first meets for the transaction of public business, it may have lost or forfeited the full confidence of the country; or at all events, public opinion may have so grown and expanded in the interval as to leave the concrete form of its " mandate" a long way behind its later developments. Perhaps nothing is more remarkable in this respect than the failure of Parliament, as a legislative machine, to keep pace with the growth of public opinion; and its comparative inability to adapt itself to the ever-increasing demands of the public conscience shows us how defective an instrument it really is. No doubt, no small part of parliamentary inefficiency is due to the fact that the English Parliament is still practically a feudal institution. Ideas and ideals have expanded and grown out of almost all recognition; but the "machine" which vainly tries to put them into effect—to register the ever-expanding will of the people—has not improved or grown in proportion. No conscientious critic could speak of the " elasticity " of the English Houses of Parliament, seeing that the state of the Legislature, and of the whole body of our laws, is notoriously backward when contrasted with the advanced condition of contemporary political thought. It is well known that what most strikes the average business man who is elected to Parliament is the slowness of the parliamentary machine and the cumbersome, antiquated methods adopted at Westminster for the despatch of public business. As a matter of fact, the machinery of Parliament is out of date; and when to its deficiencies in this respect you add the fact that many of our legislators are themselves individuals of antiquated ideas, the consequent "congestion" of Parliament, and its failure to come up to popular expectations, will not seem altogether surprising. Parliament, it has been said, exists for the purpose of registering the will of the people; and no doubt this is true of it to a certain limited extent; but public opinion is always greatly in advance of parliamentary feeling and action. In the first place, the men who make public opinion, and in that sense may well claim to be our future legislators, rarely get elected to Parliament. They are in advance even of the advanced general sentiment of the country and the electors. The presence of Whigs like Messrs. Asquith and Haldanein the existing Liberal Government—a Government which has repeatedly been described as the most " Radical" that ever has been—shows how favourable is the English Parliament and its procedure to the retention of exploded political tenets, and to the conservation of a type of politician whose appropriate setting is nearer the year 1680 than that of 1906. This tendency on the part of the English Parliament to travel on recognised " lines " is doubtless a legacy of the feudal system, just as our land and .game laws are an outgrowth of the same political device. And as the " atmosphere " of Westminster, if not positively reactionary, is highly charged with the germs of stagnation, it will be seen that even with the best intentions in the world, a Government which means business must find it exceedingly difficult to carry its pious intentions into effect. The backwardness of parliamentary as contrasted with public opinion is perhaps best exemplified firstly in the actual personnel of Westminster, and, secondly, in the measures and 186 Parliament and the Gael principles with which the parliamentarians are commonly identified. Let us first take the case of the Irish members of Parliament. With a few exceptions, they belong to, if not an exploded, at all events a rapidly decaying type of politician. They are the heirs, not of the Gaelic League, which stands for all that is best and modern in the Ireland of to-day, but of O'Connell and emancipation and the disastrous "rebellions" arising out of the famine. In other words, instead of standing; for an Irish Ireland—that is to say, a truly national Ireland—they merely aim at Home Rule, an absolutely useless, if not positively noxious measure, without its corresponding leaven of true nationality. For Home Rule minus the Gaelic movement, the average Gaelic Leaguer does not care a fig ; and in my opinion he is abundantly justified in his standpoint. After all, what is the use of Home Rule to a country which is either entirely or very greatly denationalised ? The Gaelic League properly recognises that so long as Ireland is merely the western province of England—just as Scotland is the northern—so long would it be injudicious to have Home Rule. What it desires, and intends to do, is first to reconstruct the ruined fabric of Irish nationality through the medium of the Gaelic language. When the Gaelic language has thoroughly penetrated and mastered Ireland to the extent of completely absorbing all its national means and resources—then, but not till then, will it trouble itself about Home Rule. It will then have, not an Anglicised mob, but a nation at its back—a self-respecting and self-reliant, united, sober, orderly and God-fearing people, knowing its own mind, strong and vigorous in its new-found manhood, and determined to have its own way at all costs. Parliament and the Gael 187 A propaganda so based as to principle inevitably tends to crush out the mere parliamentarian, who, more often than not, is a verbose, unprincipled and shallow humbug, knowing little and caring less about the essential constituents of true nationality. The movement known as Sinn Fèin actually boy-cots the Irish parliamentarian; and its principal organ, the United Irishman, is not a whit less " down on" men like Messrs. Redmond and Dillon than it is on solemn and pompous Castellans of the Long and Carson type. These two movements are not to be confounded, for whilst that known as Sinn Fèin is avowedly political, the Gaelic League, on the other hand, takes no part at all in contemporary politics, beyond insisting, and rightly insisting, in season and out of it, on the unswerving pursuit of the one true and great principle or ideal—namely, that Ireland shall be a self-respecting country first, and self-governing, if it has a mind to it, afterwards. The convergence of these two movements will inevitably tend, and is now actually doing so, to drive the mere English Irelander—the parliamentarian of the Redmond type—out of the field as a superfluous, antiquated and obnoxious quantity. The idea of Home Rule—of Home Rule alone—is no longer the dominating idea of political Ireland; for other things are now seen to be more necessary to the nation's salvation; and a Parliament sitting in Dublin the business of which should be carried on in English is rapidly losing its attractions for the vast majority of patriotic and intelligent Irishmen. Turning to Scottish affairs, although we may not see at home the same sharp divergence between what is said at Westminster and what is thought and believed elsewhere, nevertheless similar prin- 188 Parliament and the Gael ciples are at work. Certainly, the restoration of Home Rule to Scotland, meaning as it would do, •at present, the setting up of an essentially Lowland Government at Edinburgh, is not a prospect calculated to appeal to the average Scottish Gael. We have had enough of the " Lowland Tradition" in all conscience; and Edinburgh and Holyrood positively stink in our nostrils. We are in no immediate want of Home Rule. We can get along very well without it. What we do require is time and opportunity in which to undo the fell work of the past, to teach ourselves self-respect and self-reliance, and to develop our natural and national resources. We must set to work, as our Irish kinsmen are doing, to re-establish our language—which is •our nationality—and when we have become self-respecting, self-reliant and united—when Celtic Scotland is again Celtic Scotland—then may we demand, and then, but not till then, shall we get Home Rule. Meantime, owing to the progress of the Gaelic movement even in what is appropriately styled North Britain—North England would be nearer the mark—it is interesting to observe the increasing tendency of public opinion amongst us to shelve a certain type of politician. We have one or two good members in the Gàidhealtachd ; but only one or two—men like Mr. Weir and Mr. Morton, who appear to take some trouble to ascertain the trend of Gaelic aspirations, and to jam the clumsy tiller of the unwieldy and antiquated ship of State at Westminster accordingly. It would be interesting to know, however, what possible use a person of the type of Mr. Harmsworth is to a Gaelic constituency. No doubt he owes his election simply to the fact that his candidature was approved by the Liberal Parliament and the Gael 189 caucus, but the selection of individuals whose ideas of duty are strictly limited to an official programme drawn up in England for the benefit, primarily, of England, is not likely to continue popular amongst us. The tendency, indeed, as in Ireland, is all in the opposite direction. We require not men whose excuse for their slender capacity and want of inclination is the habit of thinking imperially, but members who will set their shoulders to the wheel, and help us to get back by parliamentary and other means our lost nationality. The " question " of India, or the "question" of South Africa, or " questions " affecting the English Imperial Pump generally, are not primarily our concern; and the sooner our members of Parliament wake up to that fact the better it will be for themselves and the country. Let the big Englanders imagine vain things, and "muddle through" their costly and bloody wars as they are accustomed to do ; the concern of the Gael is at home, amongst his own people, with his own kith and kin. When he has succeeded in winning back his own self-respect and self-reliance, and joined hands with his friends and kinsfolk across the Irish Sea, the question of relieving the self-denying Saxon of some portion of his intolerable burden of Empire may possibly be discussed upon equal terms. Meanwhile, we shall do well to leave him to muddle along as best he can, " For 'tis their nature to ". There is only one consideration that makes me regret the general break-down of the parliamentary machine at Westminster—otherwise so gratifying to patriotic sentiment—and that is the sorry condition of our crofters. The grievances which these poor and highly deserving people labour under- iqo Parliament and the Gael -admittedly constitute a singularly "hard case," and that these grievances, intolerable as they are, should have remained so long unredressed, though it may speak volumes for their patience, cannot be considered as flattering to the class amongst whom "patriotism," of the blood-and-thunder type approved at Birmingham, invariably takes precedence of Godliness. The crofters make it a point of pleading their past services as soldiers and sailors as a species of excuse—though they should know that none is required—for their legitimate demands; but even assuming that the English Parliament is sensible of its want of gratitude in this respect, it is exceedingly doubtful if measures thoroughly satisfactory to the crofters and their friends will be taken, or if the press of public business will admit of a timeous relief from what is undoubtedly an intolerable, and an increasingly intolerable, situation. In the sense, too, in which, no doubt unwittingly, the crofters and their friends have been contributors to the existing state of affairs by blindly trusting to Parliament for the mitigation -of their grievances; in that sense and to that extent undoubtedly they have themselves been largely to blame, and however much the spectacle of their unmerited hardships may affect the public eye and agitate the public conscience, they will surely not have endured in vain if their sufferings convince them of the folly of looking to Westminster—to an English Legislature—for redress, and of the expediency of joining the movement whose objects are first the nationalisation, and secondly the political emancipation of Scotland. Undoubtedly the case of the crofters is an acute one; and inasmuch as it tends to grow graver day by day, the necessity of immediate action is not Eachdraidh 191 to be gainsaid. The Scottish patriot, therefore, however much he may feel disposed to rejoice at the growing inability of the English Parliament to deal adequately with public business, will surely -co-operate with us in pleading the exceptional character of the case of these deserving people. The fact that he is suffering in a good cause, although it may afford the crofter some consolation, will not help him to better his condition, which is admittedly desperate. I hope, therefore, that the legislative programme of the Government, so far at least as it affects the crofter community, will be carried through Parliament with as little delay as possible. The lesson to be learned from years of neglect and studied delay on the part of the English Parliament has probably been well acquired by this time, even in the poorer, which are naturally the most subservient parts of the Highlands and the Isles; and the national cause, however exigent otherwise it may be, cannot contemplate with equanimity the sufferings of so large and deserving a portion of its clientele, although no one is more sensible than I am that even out of this misery much good will eventually come to Scotland and to Scotsmen as a whole. R. MacDonald. eachdraidh Leis an fhocal Litreachas, tha sinn a' tuigsinn na sgriobhaidhean anns am faighear smuaintean is faireachduinean na cuid de 'n chinne-daoine air an do bhuilicheadh tomhas de thuigse. Ann am briathran eile, is e Litreachas anns an t-seadh is àirde, modh labhairt troimh sgriobhadh eadar fear 192 Eachdraidh agus fear 'nan nàclur agus 'nam faireaehduin mar dhaoine. Gheibh sinn Litreachas mar so 'ga roinn fèin a mach ann am meòir de smuain agus de dh' eòlas aig am bheil am frèamh ann an intinn an duine. Tha meur na h-Eachdraidh ann; meur na Feallsanachd; meur na h-Urlabhairt, no na h-Eal-antachd ; agus meur na Bàrdachd. Ged is ann an sgriobhadh a gheibhear gach gnè Litreachais, gidheadh cha 'n 'eil a h-uile sgriobhadh airidh air a bhi air a ghabhail a steach fo 'n ainm Litreachas. Tha, mar so, dà sheòrsa Litreachais ri'm faotainn. Tha seòrsa ann a tha siùbhlach, ag atharrachadh leis an là, agus leis an linn ; agus tha seòrsa ann a tha buan a sheasas maireann, cho fada 's a bhios cridheachan is inntinnean dhaoine de 'n ghnè de'm bheil iad a nis. Anns an Litreachas a tha 'siùbhlach, no caochlach, gheibhear na sgriobhaidhean a tha de ghnè shuaraich, no shalaich, agus a' chuid a tha tioram, gun susbaint, nach ruig, no nach drùidh air anam coitcheann a' chinne-dhaoine. Sgeul rùisgte nach 'eil air a shuidheachadh ann an corp de chainnt sgeinmeil shnasmhoir; bunan leatromach nach 'eil ag èiridh a mach à fior nàdur an duine ; òraidean anns nach 'eil blas no brigh; agus ranntachd nach 'eil binn no buadhach—na leabhraichean, no na sgriobhaidhean anns nach faighear ach a' ghnè dhiombuan so de Litreachas, cha bhuin de 'n t-seòrsa a tha buan no maireannach. Cha chanar Eachdraidh anns an t- seadh cheart ri leabhraichean ghinealach, anns nach faighear ach stiall fhada de dh' ainmean. Is e Eachdraidh anns an t-seadh a 's àirde sgeul fìor mu ghniomh, mu euchd, agus mu fhàs suas a' chinne-dhaoine, mar tha an cinne-daoine 'na aon, no ann an cinnich fa leth. Mar bhuill de 'n chinne-dhaoine, tha sinn a' gabhail tlachd coitcheann ann an Eachdraidh mar Eachdraidh 193 chuspair meadhrachaidh. Oir, tha sinn a' faotainn iomraidh ann an Eachdraidh air modh oibreachaidh cumhachdan is feartan gineadail nàdur an duine. Chi sinn an sud reuson a' tionnsgnadh, agus a' giùlan a mach à chriochan iomchuidh fèin; agus mar an ceudna an toil, dian lasanta, do-lùbaidh is rag, no fulangach. A ris, tha e cho tlachdmhor leinn a bhi 'sealltuinn air fèin-ghlòir is fèin-iarrtais 'nan ròidibh ciontach 's a tha e bhi ag amharc air stri ionmholta an fhir aig am bheil gràdh agus math a dhùthcha a' lasadh le chèile 'nan rùn teinnteach 'na chridhe. Oir ann an sud, tha againn sruthadh a mach air dà thaobh nàdur an duine; agus tha dèidh 'againn air a ibhi 'faicinn dhaoine nuair is miosa agus an uair is feàrr a tha iad. . . . Juvat integros accedere/ontes Atque haurire. Cha 'n 'eil a bheag a dh' Eachdraidh a's fiach againn anns a' Ghàidhlig, an taobh a mach do ranna ginealach is sgeulachdan nan seanchaidhean. Cha deachaidh na cnàimh eachdraidheil a chruinnich iadsan ri chèile a chòmhdach fathast le falluinn feòla ur-dheiseach na h-Eachdraidh. Thug Aonghas Mac Coinnich ionnsaidhean math air Eachdraidh na h-Alba anns a' bhliadhna 1867—mir beag dhi co dhiù, agus sin air a thoirt seachad do dhall eud an creidimh—a thoirt duinn; agus thug feadhainn eile cùnntas nach dona air Eachdraidh choitcheann ar dùthcha 0 àm gu h-àm. Ach cha 'n 'eil an sud ach oidhirpean beaga an coimeas ris na sgriobh Erodotus is Thusidides anns a' Ghrèig, Libhidh is Tacitus anns a' Roimh, Fènèlon is Guisot anns a' Fhraing, agus Gibbon, Lingard, Ume, Robertson, Gascuet, etc. ann an Sasunn. Tha Eachdraidh a' Gàidheil 'na thuineachadh is 'na fhàs agus 'na 194 Eachdraidh thighinn a mach ann an Alba, agus ann an Eirinn, fathast gun sgriobhadh. Aut in rebus certius illiquid allaturos, aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos, sgriobh Libhidh; ach c' ait' am bheil ar n-Eachdraichean fèin chum na foclan so a chuir an gniomh ? Is ann's a' Bheurla a rinneadh a' chuid a's mò de na chaidh a dheanamh 's an rathad so; agus, eadhon anns a' Bheurla, cha 'n 'eil cùnntas coimhlionta againn mu Eachdraidh ar dùthcha— tir nam beann, 's nan gleann, 's nan gaisgeach. Ged nach 'eil àireamh nan ughdar a ghleidh sean-achas air cuimhne 'nar measg ro lionmhor, agus ged nach 'eil saothair nan ughdar an comhnuidh buannachdail riu fèin, gidheadh tha sinn a' meas gur airidh ar n-Eachdraidh air a bhi innseadh 'nan cainnt fèin. Gun teagamh, cha 'n 'eil an obair air aon chor soirbh a dheanamh. Ach ma thig aon air aghaidh a ghabhas os làimh an obair feumail so a thoirt gu crioch shoirbheachail, bithean aid ro thaingeil nam faigheadh e anns ar brosnuchadh cuideachadh 'na shaothair; agus chuireamaid an cuimhne ar luchd-dùthcha an sean-fhocal fior:— " Is trian obair, toiseachadh." Guth na Bliadhna leabhar iii.] AN SAMHRADH, 1906. [aireamh 3 imperium ex imperio Thubhairt sinn o chionn beagan mhiosan anns an Leabhar-naigheachd so gu'm bheil Eachdraidh Gàidhealtachd na h-Alba (mar a bha dùthaich nan Gàidheal anns an Fhraing, a rèir Caesar) air a roinn gu lèir 'na tri earrannan. Tha a' chiad earrann o tLsachd Righ Fhearghais gu ruig blàr Srath Chath-ruaidh (1130). Tha an dara earrann a' tighinn a nuas o'n bhliadhna sin gu ruig arbhartachadh Mhic Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, anns a' bhliadhna 1476; agus tha an treas earrann a' tighinn a nuas o'n àm sin gu ruig Bliadhna Thearlaich, no blàr Chuil-fhodair (1746). O'n ùine ud gus a' cheart àm so, is ann mar lusan no luibhean leth-bheòthach a mhàin a tha sinn a' cumail ar fàs a suas. Thubhairt sinn, mar an ceudna, gu'm bheil Eachdraidh na h-Alba a' leigeil ris duinn gu soilleir ciod e aobhar gach cogaidh agus falachd a bha eadar Gàidheal na dùthcha agus na coigrich a bha'n taobh a staigh dhith, an deigh bàis an dara Righ Calum (1034). Thug esan oidhirp (mar is aithne gu maith da'r luchd leughaidh) an leantuinn-rioghail a chur gu taobh, agus a chinneadh fèin a shocrachadh air cathair rioghail na h-Alba—ni nach bu chòir dha A 196 Imperium ex Imperio 'dheanamh air chor air bith; oir a rèir cleaoh-dainnean is laghanna na dùthcha, b'e Lulaig Mhic Ghillecomgain (Righ Mhoiridh) a b'fhior-oighre a' chrùin aig an àm ud. Thoisich, leis a sin, gach trioblaid, culaidh-fharmaid, agus còmhstri a thachair ruinne an deigh sin an lorg a' ghlacaidh eucoraich ud. Lean Gàidheil na dùthcha taobh teaghlaich Mhoiridh, agus chog na Sasunnaich, na Frangaich, agus coigrich eile 'nan aghaidh. Sheas ar dùthaich fèin anns an staid chunnartaich aimhreitich ud gu ruig rioghachadh a' chiad Righ Dhàibhidh, an uair (anns a' bhliadhna 1130, mar a thubhairt sinn mu thrath) thug an righ sin buaidh air teaghlaich Mhoiridh air blàr Srath Chathruaidh, agus aig a' cheart àm, dh'aonaich e an dùthaich sin ris fèin. Thoisich a' chomstri sgriosail, mar a thug sinn fainear a cheana, le connsachadh mu chòir-sheilbh air cathair-rioghail na h-Alba. Cha robh i air tùs 'na spàirn eadar Gàidheal is Gall idir. Bha fir-theaghlaich Athuil, agus fir-theaghlaich Mhoiridh 'nan Gàidheil le cheile; agus o'n a bha e mar sin b'e falachd a mhàin a bha eadar an dà theaghlaich Ghàidhealaich so. Ach is ann mar a chaidh an spàirn so air a h-adhart, is ann mar sin a tha e 'toirt a mach, ceum air cheum gu soilleir co dhiù gach ni a bha fillte ann, gu h-àraidh gur h-e cath eadar Gàidheal is Gall a bh'ann. B'e teaghlach Athuil a thoisich a' chluich chunnartach, fhuilteach, sgriosail ud; agus is ann do bhrigh nach urrainn doibh an cuisean fèin a chuir air adhart gun chobhair, a ghuidh iad air na Sasunnaich agus coigrich eile a bha an taobh a staigh de dh'Alba an cuideachadh. Aig an àm cheudna, thoisich righrean teaghlaich Athuil gu bhith 'nan riaghladairean Sasunnach. Sgriobh Walter à Coventry (mu bhliadhna 1212), Imperium ex Imperio 197 " Moderniores enim Scotorum Reges magis se Francos fatentur, sicut genere, ita moribus lingua, cultti". Dh'atharraich iad àrd-bhaile na dùthcha 0 Sgàin gu Dùn Eideann: b'e Righ Dàibhidh a thug a steach do'n dùthaich so na cleachdainnean riaghailteach sin ris an abrar am Feudal System anns a' Bheurla, agus air iomadh dòigh eile thug iad fainear an t-aomadh a bha annta chum cleachdainnean Sasunnach. " David's attachment to Anglo-Norman friends was partly a matter of taste; partly, too, he found them useful against his Celtic subjects. . . . His policy naturally, and for the first time, removed the centre of the kingdom from the country between Spey and Forth to the Lowlands. In Strath Clyde and Lothian, land was, apparently, in direct dependence on the crown: here he could settle his Normans. They proved, as was to be expected, very shifty patriots in times soon to come, if indeed patriotism can be spoken of at all in connexion with such cosmopolitan settlers" (History of Scotland, le Aindrea Lang, L 1, t 237). Deir an t-ùghdair ceudna ann an àite eile : " The long process began (fo Righ Dhàibhidh) by which English brewers, soap-boilers and upholsterers sit in the seats of MacDonalds and MacPhersons ". Thug sin fainear mu thrath na thachair do dh'Alba an deigh do mhuinntir Mhoiridh a bhith air an cur fo smachd le àrd-righrean na dùthcha a bhuineadh do theaglaich Athuil. Gu grad, chaidh an cumhachd agus an cliù a bha aca mar threun-laoich nan Gàidheal thairis gu righrean nan Eilean. Chuir iad umpa fèin fallaing nan Moiridheach, agus sheas iad a mach gu ruig latha an adhartachaidh mar churaidhean nan Gàidheal. A nis, ciod e an t-aobhar a th'ann nach d'thug 198 Imperium ex Imperio Imperium ex Imperio 199 ghabh Iain Bailliol an chrùn mar ghibht o Righ nan Sasunnach. Rinn e, an sin, dlighe iochdarain d'a uachdaran air son Alba, agus leis a sin, mar a thubhairt iad aig an am " dh'fhàs e 'na thraill do Righ Iomhair ". Ged nach robh comas aig muinntir na Gàidhealtachd stad a chur air na dèanadasan tàmailteach so, gidheadh, ghabh iad diomb mòr ris. Is ann mar sheòrsa de dh'eas-onoir bu mhò, a bha iad a' sealtainn air; agus, mar sin, dhiùlt iad cuid no pairt a bhi aca ris. Ach ann an ùine ghoirid, thug Iomhair an crùn 0 Bhailliol, agus thoisich gu grad a' chomhstri fhuilteach ud ris an abrar anns a' Bheurla The War of Independence. " The Celts, as a whole, were nothing less than sturdy maintainers of Scottish independence," deir Mr. Lang. Air do Righ Iomhair Tir nam beann a thoirt air, a Ios muinntir na dùthcha a chuir for smachd, gheill mòran de na Sasunnaich agus de na Frangaich a bha taobh a staigh dhith ris ; agus ainmeannan na feadhainn a ghèill dha, nach 'eil iad air an sgriobhadh gu soilleir anns an leabhar thàmailteach sin ris an abrar Bagman's Roll? Ach gu dearbh is gann gu'm bheil ainmeannan Gàidhealach sgriobht', ann air fada Rinn beagan de mhuinntir Ghallaobh an taobh deas na h-Alba umhlachd dha ; ach sheas a' chuid bu mhò de mhuinntir na Gàidhealtachd a mach an aghaidh Righ Iomhair, agus chuir iad trioblaid is call nach robh beag air, agus air a chuid uachdairean, agus an luchd leanmhainn sgriosail agus fhuilteach. Sheas Gàidheil na h-Alba a mach air taobh a' ghaisgich sin d'am b'ainm Uilleam le Waleys; agus air do'n laoch ud a bhi air a bhrathadh do làmhan a chuid naimhdean agus air a chur gu bàs, dh'eirich iad air taobh Raibeairt Bhruce; agus air blàr Allt a' Bhonnaich (1314) Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean (no neach air bith eile a bhuineadh do'n Gàidhealtachd) seachad am fol-luis na h-agartsan a bha aca, àir do'n chathair-rioghail a bhith falamh an lorg bàs nighinn an treas Righ Alasdair ? B'e Morair Mhàirr, Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean no h-aon de na naithean Gàidhealach eile, a bha 'na fhior-oighre air a' chrùn a rèir cleachdainnean agus laghanna aosda, bunaiteach na dùthcha. Ach de'n luchd choimh-shreip a bh'ann, cha robh a h-aon a bha 'na fhear coimh-shreip Gàidhealach! Iomhair Bruce ("Bruce le viel," mar theirteadh ris anns an Fhrangaich), Iain Bailliol agus Comyn—bha iad so uile 'nan Frangaich ! Agus, ciod a thaobh an fhir eile, d'am b'ainm Hastings ? B'esan a mhàin an aon Sasunnach ! Car son, mata, nach do chuir muinntir na Gàidhealtachd fear coimh-shreip Gàidhealach suas ? Gun teagamh, bu lion-mhor iad an àireamh, agus b'ann acasan a mhàin a bha an fhior-chòir air a' chrùn, a rèir seann laghanna agus chleachdainnean bunaiteach na dùthcha. Ach is ann mar dhuine gun ghuth, gun ghàirdeanan a bha muinntir na Gàidhealtachd aig an àm ud. Agus air an lorg sin thàinig a steach laghanna is cleachdainnean Sasunnach is Frangach gu Albainn. Bha na Frangaich agus na Sasunnaich anns gach àite, agus gu h-àraidh anns na h-àitean sin far an robh an cumhachd agus am beartas bu mhò ri'm faotainn. A thuilleadh air sin, bha gach fear coimh-shreip a bh'ann 'na nàmhaid do dh'Albainn, agus 'na charaid do Shasunn. Chuir iad an cèill, agus sin gu soilleir, gu'n robh iad a' beachdachadh air a' cheud Righ Iomhair mar ard-riaghladair na dùthcha gu leir. Dh'asluich iad air neach-eiginn a thaghadh dhoibh, a Ios righ na h-Alba a chur air bonn; agus air do dh'Iomhair sin a' deanamh gu toilichte, 200 Imperium ex Imperio (far an robh Bruce e fèin air an ceann), thug iad buaidh air na Sasunnaich, agus chuir iad ard-chrùn na h-Alba air cheann a' bhuadhair. Gu cinnteach, bu mhòr agus b'àrd an tlachd a bha an righ sin a' cur air Gàidheil na h-Alba fhad 's bu bheò e; agus bu mhòr an spèis a bha aig Raibeart Bruce do Thir nam beann. Bu tric a rinn na Gàidheil agus an Righ strith is cogadh nach robh beag an aghaidh an nàimhdean, agus sin taobh ri taobh. Agus a' chobhair a fhuair e o na Gàidheil air iomadh blàr, agus gu h-àraidh air blàr Allt a' Bhonnaich, cha do dhi-chuimhnich e riamh i. Aig deireadh a làithean, an uair a bha an treun-laoch air fàs tinn agus fann, shocraich e' a' chùirt ann an taobh-siar na h-Alba faisg air Car-dros; agus is ann an sin a fhuair e bàs anns a' bhliadhna 1329. Bha Raibeart Bruce 'na dheadh righ air son nan Gàidheal; agus saor o na Dubh-ghallaich Lathurna, cha do chuir e dragh no trioblaid air bith riamh orra. Sheas Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean a mach mar charaid dha fad mòran bhliadhnaichean ; agus is ann air son sin, nach do chuir esan (no neach air bith eile a bhuineadh do'n Gàidhealtachd, saor o na Dubhghallaich) trioblaid no buaireadh riamh air an righ sin. Air an làimh eile, cha robh Bruce riamh ro chàirdeil ris na Sasunnaich, na Frangaich (ged bu Fhrangach e fèin air taobh 'athar) no ris na coigrich eile a bha an taobh a staigh do dh'Alba. Chog iad ris, agus mar pheanas air son a' ghiùlain sin, thug e air falbh an cuid tiodailean agus an cuid inbhean uapa—ni dh'aobharaich mòran trioblaid agus comhstri do'n dùthaich gu lèir anns na bliadhnaichean a bha fathast ri tighinn, mar a tha ar cuid eachdraichean ag innseadh gu soilleir dhuinn. Ach a thaobh Gàidheal na h-Alba, bha Righ Raibeart Bruce 'na Imperium ex Imperio 201 dheagh righ da rireadh. Bha a shùil daonnan ris an àird-an-iar—is a sin ri ràdh, ri dùthaich nan Gàidheal. B'e am miann aige—mar a bha aig Brian Boroimhe Ard-Righ na h-Eirinn (agus ris an robh e glè choltach 'na phearsa agus 'na inntinn)— a bhith gu firinneach na bha daoine a' buileachadh orra leis an ainm sin Rex Scotorum, is e sin ri ràdh " Righ nan Gàidheal". Gu'n deanadh Dia tròcair air 'anam! Ach an deigh do Raibeart Bruce a bhith air a thoirt air falbh uainn leis a' bhàs, chaidh an dheagh chòrdadh a bha eadar Gàidheal is Gall a bhristeadh. Bha a mhac ach 'na naoidhean beag a mhàin an uair a fhuair 'athair bàs, agus an lorg sin, thuit gu grad riaghladh na dùthcha air aimhreit agus air eas-ordùgh nach robh beag. Thill an fheadhainn a bha air am fuadachadh à dh'Albainn leis an righ nach maireann, o Shasunn agus o dhùthchannan eile; agus rinn iad comh-fheall ri chèile an aghaidh an Righ òig, agus an aghaidh a chuid riaghladairean. Am measg na h-aimhreite so, tharraing Gàidheil air falbh iad fèin o ùinich is comhstri nan daoine ud, agus ann an ùine ghoirid, thog iad an t-sean-bhratach Ghàidhealach suas a ris; agus o'n àm sin gu ruig "Bhliadhna Thearlaich," sheas iad air am buinn fèin, agus chog iad air son an làimh fèin a Ios sealbhachadh na dùthcha gu leir fhaotainn, agus tir nam beann a chumail dhoibh fèin. A nis, tha cuid ag radh gu'n robh na Gàidheil mar bhrathadairean agus mar fhir-cheannairc aig an àm ud, do bhrigh gu'n robh iad am bitheanta ri beachdachadh air a' chathair-rioghail mar an cuid fèin, agus do bhrigh gu'n robh an abhaist aca coimh-bhoinn is còrdadh a dheanamh eadar iad-fèin agus coigrich chaochlach, an aghaidh Righ na 202 Imperium ex Imperio h-Alba, agus a chum Albainn a cheannsachadh agus a thoirt fo'n ùghdarras fèin. Ach, cha'n ann mar sin a tha sinn a' beachdachadh air a' chuis; ach is ann mar a tha Mr. Lang a' gabhail beachd oirre a tha sinn a' gabhail rithe. Deir esan anns an Eachdraidh a sgriobh e : " The Celts lived their own life apart, being far more widely severed by blood, speech, and institutions from the Scots (na Sasunnaich, na Frangaich, agus coigrich eile an Albainn) than the Scots were from the English. Just as Scotland (is e sin ri ràdh Albainn nan Gall) naturally turned towards France and the French alliance, so the chief Celtic Prince, the Lord of the Isles, turned towards England and the English alliance. It would be childish to call this conduct' unpatriotic'. The Celt recognised no common part in Lowland patriotism though the Scottish king was his suzerain. He fought, like Hal of the Wynd, for his own hand." Tha so uile air a sgriobhadh gu ro mhaith; agus tha e 'na aobhar ioghnaidh leinn gu bheil Mr. Lang a' beachdachadh mu'n chuis so mar a tha e gu soilleir a' deanamh. Gu dearbh, bhiodh e gu tur neonach, agus mar bhalachan faoin a bhith a' gabhail beachd air a' chùis so mar tha mòran a' smuaineachadh oirre—is e sin ri ràdh, mar ni-eiginn anabarrach iongantach, neoleifch-sgeulach, agus nach fhaod a bhith air a mhathadh, no air a mhineachadh, air chor air bith. Anns a' bhliadhna 1461, chaidh Iain Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean, agus Morair Rois, ann an coimh-bhoino ris an treas Righ Iomhair a Ios Albainn nan Gall a cheannsachadh, agus an deigh d'a chuid tosgairean Lunnainn a ruigsinn, agus cùirt an Righ Shasunnaich a' thoirt orra, thubhairt iad, an lathair an Righ agus a chuirtearan—an uair a Imperium ex Imperio 203 bha iad a' cur an cèill cuspairean a' bhanna—" Is sinne, le'r cead, seana nàimhdean Alba ". Agus, ciod bu chiall do na facail so ? An ann mar dhearbhadh do'n ghràdh a bha eadar Mac Dhòmhnuill nan Eilean agus Righ Shasuinn, no mar dhearbhadh do'n chàirdeas a bha eadar muinntir na Gàidhealtachd agus muinntir Shasuinn, a bha Righ Iomhair a' gabhail riutha ? Cha 'n ann idir. Thuig Mac Dhòmhnuill, agus thuig Righ Iomhair gu'n robh a' chùis mar a bha. Cha robh gaol, no cairdeas, eatorra idir; ach thachair gu'n robh iad 'nan dithis a bha coltach a bhiodh feumail d'a chèile aig an àm ud, agus, mar sin, chaidh am bann a dheanamh. B'e miann a' Ghàidheil a chuid fèin fhaotainn air a h-ais : b'e miann an t-Sasunnaich, Albainn nan Gall a cheannsachadh agus a toirt fo chis. Ghabh Mac Dhòmhnuill beachd gu'n robh leth-bhuillean air a meas beagan ni's fheàrr na 'bhith gun bhuillean idir ! Is dòcha (ma chaidh am bann so a choimhlionadh agus gu buileach) gur ann aig Mac Dhòmhnuill a bhiodh a' chuid bu mhò agus bu fheàrr dheth. Cha robh Mac Dhòmhnuill aig an àm ud cho làidir agus Albainn air fad a ceannsachadh; agus, leis a sin, thug e cuireadh do dhiomhair 'ga chuideachadh gu sin a dheanamh. B'èiginn da, an toiseach, gabhail thairis air Albainn nan Gall, agus a tilg-eadh bun os ceann. Tha Eachdraidh a 'nochdadh dhuinn gu'm bheil e 'na ni mòran ni's fharasda dùthaich a cheannsachadh na an dùthaich sin a chumail fo smachd am feasd. Thug na Sasunnaich buaidh air an Fhraing; agus fhuair iad làmh an uachdair air Albainn nan Gall fad mhòran bhliadhnaichean mar an ceudna. Ach cha bu chomasach dhoibh Albainn no'n Fhraing a chumail fo smachd gu bràth. Dh'eirich an dà mhuinntir sin fo arm, 204 Imperium ex Imperio agus thilg iad a mach an cuid buadhaichean. Is dòcha, ma ta, gu'n robh Mac Dhòmhnuill a' beachdachadh air Iomhair mar mheadhon chum chriochan, agus mar inneal, a mhàin. Air do dh'Albainn nan Gall a bhith air a cur fo smachd le Iomhair, agus a chuid arm, bhitheadh Mac Dhòmhnuill an duine bu mhò agus bu treasa an Albainn gu lèir. Sheasadh e a mach, an sin, mar fhior fhear-treòrachaidh nan Gàidheal, agus mar fhear-saoraidh a dhùthcha. Chruinneachadh m'a chuid brataichean, cha b'e na Gàidheil a mhàin, ach Gàidheil nan machraichean, agus a' chuid bu fheàrr agus bu lionmhoire de mhuinntir eile na h-Alba, mar an ceudna. Chogadh iad (le Mac Dhòmhnuill air an ceann) an aghaidh nan Sasunnach, agus air son an làimh fèin; agus, Gàidheil na h-Eirinn 'gan cuideachadh, is dòcha gu'n d'thugadh iad buaidh air na coigrich—araon orrasan a bha'n taobh a staigh de'n dùthaich, agus orrasan nach buineadh dhith idir. Ach, thuit a' chùis mar a bha, agus mar a bha Dia 'na ghliocas 'ga h-ordùchadh; agus, ann an ùine ghoirid, chaidh am bann eadar Mac Dhòmhnuill is Iomhair a bhristeadh, agus a sgaoileadh. Gidheadh, cha d'fhulaing giùlan folluiseach air taobh nan Gàidheal atharrachadh no muthadh air bith. Sheas iad air a' bhonn a b'abhaist doibh—an seann bhonn air an robh ar sinnsearan a' seasamh fad mòran bhliadhnaichean. Chuir iad an cùil ri Albainn nan Gall mar a b'abhaist dhoibh a dheanamh ; agus rinn iad stri is spàirn air son an làimh fèin mar bu chòir dhoibh a dheanamh. " The Celt recognised no common part in Lowland patriotism." Ghabh iad beachd orra fèin mar chinneach air leth. Chog ar sinnsearan an aghaidh Chrom-bheill (mar a thubhairt sin mu thrath) agus an Imperium ex Imperio 205 aghaidh Righ Uilleim, an aghaidh na h-Aonachd (1707) agus air taobh an 8mh Righ Seumas agus a mhic Prionnsa Tearlach, cha'n ann a chionn gu'n deachaidh am bribeadh le òr is airgiod a Ios sin a dheanamh, ach a chionn gu'n d'thug iad gràdh do'n Ghàidhealtachd; a chionn gu'n do chuimhnich iad air na daoine o'n d'thàinig iad, agus a chionn gi'n d'thug iad gràdh is onoir do'n Bheul-aithris hàidhealaich. Agus a nis, an seas Gàidheal na h-Alba far an do sheas iad roimhe—anns na bliadhnaichean a dh'aom? Seasaidh gu dearbh. Tha cuid ag ràdh nach 'eil Albainn mar aon air leth ni's mò. Their iad, gu bheil iochdaran na h-Iompaireachd " Breatunnaich "—gun chòirean, gun dlighean, gun mhiannan sam bith, ach am fear a mhain a tha 'ga roinn leis gach neach eile, a bhuineas do'n inbhe cheudna. Deir iad, tha na fàidhean marbh, tha na laoich marbh, agus is ann mar so tha'n Gàidheal. Leig leis na h-aimsirean a chaidh seachad an cuid mairbh fèin a thiodhlaiceadh! Ma tha àite no suidheachadh air bith aig a' Ghàidheal air an latha an diugh, is ann an. taobh a staigh, cha'n ann an taobh am muigh, de'n Iompaireachd Bhreatunnaich a tha an t-aite sin. Ach cha'n ann mar so a tha sinne a' beachdachadh air Gàidheil na h-Alba. agus air an cuid miannan. D'ar taobh fèin, ar leinn, nach 'eil an t-sean Bheul-aithnis Ghaidhealach marbh; agus m*r a chog ar sinnsearan air son an làimh fèin anns na làithean a dh'fhalbh, is ann mar sin a tha sinn deas, seadh is dian, gu deanamh fhathast. Gu dearbh, fhuair mòran nithe agus mòran sluaigh bàs. Càit' am bheil Goill na h-Alba? Is ann direach mar Shasunnaich a mhain a dh'fhàs iad. Càit' am bheil am bann a chaidh a dheanamh eadar Goill 206 Agrarian Efficiency na h-Alba agus na Frangaich ? Tha e marbh. Is e an Entente Cordiale eadar Sasunn is an Fhraing a tha 'seasamh a nis na àite! Càit' am bheil na Stiubhartaich ? Ciod a thachair dhoibh, agus ris na fir-comhairle aca, agus do'n stiùireadh-riaghlaidh a thug iad do chùisean na dùthcha ? Cu dearbh, tha na Stiubhartaich marbh, agus tha gach ni a bhuineadh dhoibh gu tur marbh mar an ceudna. Shluig Sasunn suas Albainn nan Gall, ionnus nach 'eil eadar-dhealachadh air bith eadar muinntir Shasuinn agus muinntir machraichean na h-Alba. Ach, a thaobh Gàidheal na h-Alba, tha esan beò agus beothail fathast. Tha uaislean agus islean a' co-oibreachadh ri chèile a chum taice a chumail ris an t-sean Bhrataich Ghàidhealaich. Is iad Gàidheil na h-Eirinn, gun teagamh, a tha 'seòladh na slighe do Ghàidheil na h-Alba, anns an ni so, mar ann an iomadh ni eile. An Alba, mar ann an Eirinn, ma ta, biodh am focal-faire so air a thogail, Imperium ex Imperio. Cha'n 'eil feum aig ar muinntir-ne a bhiih "dileas" no "umhail" do'n ni sin, no do'n te no'm fear ud. Oir, gu dearbh, is ann roimh bhreith no iomradh nan Sasunnach, agus an cuid Iompaireachd, tha sinne. agrarian efficiency1 It may be an obvious truism, but it is nevertheless a fact worth calling to mind, that no political question can safely be regarded as settled until it has ceased to be a source of political agitation. Judged by the standard of this commonplace maxim, the Land Question in the Gàidhealtachd is very far 1 Since this paper was in type, the Government has introduced its Crofter Bill into the House of Commons. Agrarian Efficiency 207 indeed from being permanently solved. Indeed, any one at all conversant with the present state of affairs in the Scottish Gaeldom knows full well that at no previous stage of our national existence was this pressing question so extraordinarily acute. It would not be passing the bounds of moderation to describe it as a " burning question," though such language must seem lamentably tame and ridiculously inadequate in comparison with the depth and intensity of the popular feeling in regard to the matter. The Land Question is, for the Gael of Scotland, the question of the hour. None other can compare with it in point of gravity, importance and insistence. It is no exaggeration to say that the future of our race depends on its timeous and successful solution; for without a people to appeal to, how then shall the patriot prevail? The first essential to nationality the foundation-stone of nation-building—is simple flesh and blood. If your country is a wilderness, or a deer-forest, all the shouting and gesticulating in the world will not restore it to its normal condition, or prevent it from going yet farther to the dogs. House-top eloquence is all very well in its way, and, doubtless, the people must be taught; but sermons to rocks and stones, even though they be couched in the language of Eden, will, if unaccompanied and emphasised with action, be powerless not only to stanch the flowing life-blood of our people, but to arrest the threatened disappearance of a race. We utter this solemn warning advisedly, because we wish the exceeding gravity of this question to be thoroughly realised by all who have at heart the interests of the Gaelic race; and because we wish to identify the Gaelic Renaissance with 2o8 Agrarian Efficiency the Land Question more closely and intimately than it has hitherto been associated with that problem. Obviously, this is no time of day to he going about pleading that the Gaelic movement is not a mere dilettante exultation. Some there are, no doubt, whose inclination or whose interests dispose them so to regard it. For ourselves however, and, we doubt not, for the vast majority of Gaels, the substance of the gingerbread is of infinitely more consequence than the gilt thereof. We have come out to see not a reed shaken by the wind—a popular titled impresario presiding at a " Celtic " tea-fight—-but a living, serious propaganda, whose aim and object are national regeneration and emancipation. Others may don their gala costumes, sprinkle their habiliments with the products of Brazil, and revel in the waters of conviviality ; but for us, as for those who cultivate the admirable art of taking themselves seriously, it is a case of coats off, hard labour, and little refreshment. For these reasons it is that we desire to draw attention to the Land Question in the Gàidhealtachd as part of the Gaelic movement. We do not say that, with the solution of that question, the Gaelic Renaissance would come to an appropriate and a necessary end. The Land Question, although, undoubtedly, the most pressing question of the hour, is but part of the whole question of Gaelic emancipation. Its solution would certainly ease our people in a manner difficult to realise, owing to the very depth and magnitude of the economic depression they now labour under; but it would not dispose of the question which the Renaissance has raised. On the contrary, its solution would but accentuate it and magnify it. It would Agrarian Efficiency 209 free our people, now ground down to the very ground of poverty and wretchedness, owing to unjust laws and depressing social conditions; and, by so freeing and enlarging them, would enable them to turn their attention—now directed exclusively to the maintenance of the awful struggle for existence—to other things. For this reason, if for no other, the Gaelic movement is bound to take cognisance of the Land Question—indeed, of all questions that concern the happiness and prosperity of our race. We are bound, one and all, to do what we can to help the depressed cottars and crofters of the Highlands and Isles. Doubtless, our sympathies are already abundantly engaged in that pathetic direction; but if practice does not follow precept, and action theory, then, assuredly, the movement, as a whole, will live to repent it. Numbers of our people are literally perishing: are we to stand idly by whilst the fell work of destruction and dispersal goes ruthlessly on? God forbid! We have bowels of compassion: let us show that we have willing hearts and capable hands as well. Looking at the matter entirely from the Gaelic point of view, there are two serious features characterising the present land crisis in the Gàidhealtachd. One is emigration : the other is starvation. The former, though a slower process of national destruction than the latter, is not ultimately the less fatal. Emigration from the Gàidhealtachd has lately increased, in consequence of the Land Question, to an extent that is at once appalling and unprecedented. The life-blood of our people is being drained, not slowly, but rapidly away in consequence of bad laws and intolerable social conditions. We have said in another part of this periodical that we 2io Agrarian Efficiency have no wish to bind any man to the soil if he has a mind to go away ; but the point here is that our people are leaving the land of their birth in large numbers, not because they wish, but because they are obliged to do so. That is the serious thing which every humane and patriotic person must take into solemn account. The rolling-stone may safely be left to negotiate its unprofitable adventures. It is no part of politics—no part of any "movement," however aspiring and patriotic—to force "Home Sweet Home" upon the Statute Books; but the distressing and humiliating feature of this haemorrhage from the Highlands is that it should be State-inflicted, not self-imposed. The Gael of Scotland is rightly, naturally, a home-stayer. The fleshpots of Chicago or the abattoirs of New York have no attractions for him. He puts no confidence in trade "kings," and despises, as he detests, their sweating "combinations". An gleann san robh mi òg, Dùthaich mo ghaoil, Tir nam beann 's nan gleann 's nan gaisgeach—these, and a thousand other similar familiar expressions, sufficiently testify his home-staying bias. Only under stress of injurious laws and unequal social conditions does he sell the little that he has, and put the world into his pack. " From the lone shieling on the misty island Mountains divide us and a world of seas; But still our hearts are true—our hearts are High-land; And in our dreams we see the Hebrides. Tail are these mountains, and these woods are grand, But we are exiles from a father's land." Agrarian Efficiency 211 It may be inquired at this conjuncture what has brought the cottar and crofter class in the Gàidhealtachd to so sorry a condition. The answer to this question is simplicity itself: bad government, with its attendant neglects, aided and abetted by the Feudal System. The blame has been endeavoured to be thrust upon the people themselves. The Gael of Scotland is idle and thriftless, indocile and impracticable, yawn our armchair politicians lounging at ease in their clubs. These miserable people are incapable of helping themselves. They are their own enemies. They obstinately refuse to be prosperous: let them rot —or emigrate. The statement is a lie, and deserves to be nailed to the post together with the ears of the blockheads who utter it. No more thrifty, sober and hard-working class exists on the face of the globe than the one to which we are referring. There may be exceptions amongst them—doubtless there are. There are degrees of imbecility and brutality even amongst their callous self-constituted critics; but the rule itself is rendered the more secure and conspicuous by reason of these infrequent exceptions. It is a familiar device, and one which reflects the greatest discredit upon human nature, to contemn those who, being deserving, yet cannot help themselves. The deserving and the unfortunate—the two terms are rarely not synonymous—are ever the scorn and the jibe of those whose beastly qualities "make for" worldly prosperity and success. It is easy to condemn: reform costs money, and involves unselfishness; so the herds of this world's swine ruthlessly trample it underfoot; but the cottars and crofters of Scotland are not unfortunate because they are worthless, B 212 Agrarian Efficiency Agrarian Efficiency 213 justifiably, the more cruelly, and the more unnaturally inasmuch as the late triumph of might over right enabled them to do it with impunity. By all that is sacred and just, what a terrible indictment we have here! And what of the future? Small crumbs of legislative comfort, to be sure! Far away at Westminster there is a report that a Liberal Ministry imagines kind things. But alas! the wishes of Liberal Ministries, as those of those of the other complexion, have a tendency to abide in promise. No doubt, we all mean well, when the light of day beats on us, and the policeman happens to be by. And under stress of a General Election, some of us manage to mean even better. The difficulty is, however, to find time and opportunity for performance—after the electoral ball is over—a difficulty which is apt to increase in proportion as the necessity for right doing appears to diminish. However, a Cabinet Minister has publicly said that some one intends to do something for the crofter some time or other; and far be it from us to cry down Sapphira upon so amiable an exemplar of the well-meaning sex. Sometime, perhaps, if the Ministry endures, and a time can be found, a Bill to remove some at least of the scandals and hardships of which we complain will be introduced into Parliament. Whether it will remain there—whether, in short, it will ever become law—remains, of course, to be seen. But whatever it is, whatever remedial legislation this or any other Government may propose, we urge the crofters and their friends to make the best of it —to accept it, that is to say, as a hard fought for and tardy instalment of justice; and if that legislation is imperfect, or otherwise not entirely satis- but are distressed because they are unfortunate. They have fallen upon evil days, not because they have not worked to stave them off, but in consequence of political circumstances which they were powerless to defeat or to control. After the rising of 1745, Feudalism, untempered with the Gaelic System, took complete possession of the Gàidhealtachd, and under the iron heel of that monstrous regime the heart of the poor Gael was ground (as to dust) within him. Previous to that rising, the barbarity and tyranny of the Feudal System had been in a measure controlled and mitigated by the surviving vestiges of the Gaelic System ; but after that rising the Gael's best friend was put to the horn, and hell in the Highlands was let loose. We have no desire to indulge in useless a,nd injurious recriminations, in view of the fact that if the Gaelic nation is to embark again, we must all swim (or drown) in the same boat; but the fact remains, whatever may be said to the contrary, that the character of Gaelic landlordism then underwent a vast change—a change which, to say the least, was for nobody's good. Previous to 1745, it had been cruel and unconscionable enough in, alas! too many cases; but, formerly, it was at least the interest of the landlord to keep his people in decency and comfort, even if he had no natural bowels of compassion and humanity urging him thereto. And there was always the appeal to Caesar, in the shape of the fragments of the Gaelic System, to hold him in check. But after the '45 the landlords, as a class, seem to have cast discretion, as humanity and clemency, to the four winds. They expelled the people, because they had not further use for them. Those that remained they victimised—the more shamefully, the more un- 214 Agrarian Efficiency factory, as it is almost certain to be, like Oliver, in the tale by Dickens, to go on clamouring for more. Ask, and though we may not receive much at the hands of the English Legislature, the mere fact of not ceasing to ask keeps the breath warm and the blood up, and provides useful discipline for the importuned. The unjust judge was obliged to concede to well-sustained insistence that which his diseased heart and conscience rendered him averse from bestowing of his own free will. We confess to being of the number of those who cultivate the smallest possible amount of respect for the so-called Mother of Parliaments. As an organised hypocrisy, as a warning to nations, and as a solemn contribution to the gaiety of the same, the thing may not be without its uses, but as a legislative machine it is passing incompetent. Still, in the meantime, and for the present, it is the only institution of its kind in these isles ; and standing, as it were, legislatively, in loco parentis to the Gael, we think it would be injudicious not to squeeze that unfruitful and attenuated vessel for the little it is worth. " Imperialism " (of English make) has its duties as well as its gala performances. Mafficking may endure for a night; but with cold dawn cometh responsibility and a depleted Exchequer; and if unconscious of, or disposed to overlook these facts, the seat of English rule at Westminster must needs be sharply reminded of them. No false shame, therefore, need dog the footsteps of the Gael in preferring his reasonable demands—in asking, and in asking again and again. The " Mother of Parliaments" is the unhappy possessor of a "past" which renders her inordinately thick skinned. To stand upon the order of our going, to feel squeamish in such a connexion, to express gratitude by way Agrarian Efficiency • 215 of return to favours said to be on the road, were clearly superfluous, and transparently ridiculous. The beldame must be hustled not curtsied to. There are some things which require an earthquake shock to set them agoing; and Parliament is one of them. There is one thing only on which the Gaels of Scotland, and more particularly the crofters and cottars, may safely congratulate themselves, and that is, that land agitation is in fashion. All over the civilised world, the question is, not how to dispose of people, but to keep them—to keep them at home in prosperity and in comfort. In Germany, in Russia, in France, in Spain, as well as in England, the Land Question blocks the way. This should be cause of encouragement and satisfaction to the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland, who are at present themselves passing through just such an agrarian crisis. Mr. Arthur Shadwell, the author of a re markable book entitled Industrial Efficiency, which should be in the hands of every one, concludes his labours with a powerful plea for ruralisation by peasant proprietorships, or small holdings; being convinced that the restoration of the people to life on the land is the only cure for a declining national vitality. Fortunately, with us it is not the birthrate that is at fault, but the existing land laws. The Gaelic is a clean-living and prolific race; and the sombre facts brought forward by Mr. Shad-well, though they may rightly give patriotic Englishmen cause to think, yet for the Gaelic race are without point and significance. The "slow national extinction " which Mr. Shadwell prophesies as being in store for the English people, unless they mend their ways, and allow nature to take its course, will not accrue to us, at all events from the 2i6 Dagos causes specified by Mr. Shadwell.1 Given fixity of tenure, and fair scope for expansion, the Gael will expand and flourish. The absorbent qualities of the Gaelic race rest upon an historic foundation, as Scandinavians, Normans and other Teutons knew, at first to their cost, but ultimately by their benefit. The English can conquer, but they cannot absorb. If the star of the English people continues to decline, the sun of Gaelic ascendency may yet blaze in the political firmament. But long before that can take place, the gaping wounds in our body politic, from which the life-blood is now flowing, must be stitched up. The Gael must be established in the land of his heart. dagos Cadiz was stifling, and all the world sat waiting for the breeze. In the dark streets, which cut like drains right through the town, not a breath stirred to break the heat. The cries of water-sellers, with their guttural " Aguaa," long prolonged and Arab sounding, broke the still air, just as a corncrake's cry falls on the ear as a relief, when in the wheat-fields of the south the sun pours down as he would bake the earth, and seems to set the air in motion by its sound. The gardens in the plazas drooped, and the long bells of the daturas closed up as if they slept the siesta during the hot hours. 1 Alluding to the declining birthrate in England, Mr. Shadwell says : " This is by far the most important question which my investigation has revealed. Beside it, all others sink into insignificance. It is a progressive evil, operating amongst the flower of the industrial classes, which promises slow national extinction." Dagos 217 The city lay, a very cup of burnished silver, in the fierce glare, and in the waters of the bay the pink and blue and yellow houses were reflected, looking as if a coral reef had turned into a town. The waves just crept about the great black shoal known as "Las Puercas," lazily swashing on the cruel stones which have so often pierced the sides of ships, in winter, when the Levantè blows. Men slept in rows on the lee side of boats. The horses in the cabs hung their tired heads, and where a man threw water at a cafe door upon the street, a steam ascended, as if the stones were heated underneath. Only upon the alameda, that of Apodaca, where the sea-breeze first strikes, the palm trees braved the sun, seeming to draw new life from out its rays; and at their tops there ran a murmur, as when a little air just plays upon the outside leach of a lateen, making it crinkle up before it fills the belly of the sail and strains upon the sheet. But in the cafes of the Calle Ancha the people, sitting drinking their " Horchata " and " Agràz," talked just as loud and just as earnestly as if their conversation ran on some great principle, or as if something was at stake. Upon the shady side the ladies, their faces white with powder, which made their great black eyes look larger and more lustrous, walked up and down, swaying a little on their hips, just as a thoroughbred walks in the paddock before saddling, receiving as they went a shower of compliments and quodlibets, which would have made a woman unaccustomed to such fire, fairly turn tail and run, but which just made the colour heighten a little underneath the powder on their cheeks, increased the flame of their black eyes, and made the swaying of their walk a little more pro- 218 Dagos nounced as they held on their course, as the feluccas in the bay stood up to a beam wind. Just at the corner of the Calle Columela at a small cafe where sailors congregate, a fan shop on one side and on the other a " Refino," a group of men sat talking lazily. At last, one rising, said, "I hear it coming," and as he spoke up the deep street there came a sighing, and the breeze, bearing a little flight of bats before it, which passed like swallows just above the heads of all the idlers with a shrill twittering, came rushing through the funnel made by the houses, after the fashion of a bore, when it ascends a river on a low, shoaly coast. It came, bending the palm trees with its sweep, making their leaves all rustle on the trunks, and spreading a red haze over the low and arid hills above San Lucar and by Rota, and making ships at anchor at the Trocadero balance a little as the white lacey net of foam ran seething past their bows. Within the town it worked a wondrous change, for when the dust it brought at first had cleared away, the horses in the cabs pricked up their ears and looked as if ten years had been rolled off then-lives ; the loafers on the quays got up and shook themselves, throwing their tattered jackets, which had served for pillows on the stones, across their shoulders, and, after having looked out seaward] with a long stare at the horizon to see if any vessel was in sight, straggled in groups towards the plaza to pass the evening on the seats. Fans worked less lazily, and in the cafes men, after lighting cigarettes, mopped their wet brows and settled down to talk, which in the little fairy city, with its long piles of dazzling salt ringing it round like outworks to landward, and its blue Dagos 219 sea which, dashing up against the walls, showers spray upon the blood and orange banner on the low ramparts of the fort, is the chief object of their lives. The sailors in the little cafe, captains of ships of every nation upon earth, all felt the speil of the invigorating breeze, and by degrees their talk after a few attempts at topics which to most landsmen have a certain vogue, as horses, women, theatres and politics, soon by degrees drifted back naturally to the one subject of real interest, the sea, the element by which all lived, and which whilst all abusing so had wound itself about their lives as to exclude aught else as absolutely as if they had been born in it, like porpoises or whales. Mostly the men were northerners, blue-eyed and freckled Swedes, Danes or Norwegians, whose rough serge clothes and heavy boots contrasted strangely with the stray Spaniards and Italians who in their pointed-toed, white canvas shoes and spotless linen scarcely looked sailors beside their brethren from the North, whose huge red hands beat on the table when they emphasised their points, like a door banging in the wind. Two things, however, formed a link between them, the sea, and that they all spoke English, more or less broken, as a common lingua franca in which they all could meet. Captain Karl Harold, who had sailed for fìve-and-thirty years out of his little native port in Sweden, bringing down deals to Malaga, to Almeria and to the other ports in what he called " the Middle Sea," sat smoking a great meerschaum pipe, on which a boar hunt was depicted carved in high relief. His great red throat was cut across by°the thin narrow linen band of his grey flannel 220 Dagos Dagos 221 shirt, till it looked like one portion of an hfory, eh? You, McMillan, or ^ernandey, ? glass, and you divined that underneath it musfc Joesay, why you not tell us littel sometnmg, -A. sm&ll sttf ^" hat was set upon the back of his enormous 3 Before Fernandez had time tosjDeak^Captain thinner and probably quite white. and on his forehead stood great beads of persp^cMillan cut|n with ye ran niggers up to ?ew Hebrides. Ma wrecked. f that slaving-I mean the imported Ay, Fernandey, something tion which he mopped up "continually with afcwt yon time you had ^J^^,^ pocket-handkerchief quit? large enough to ^f^^^J^^^^^^ upon a raft supposing he had suddenly £d from the New Hebrides. Ma., g rf Quiet and unassuming, he sat drinking Indentured kbour which disappeared down his capacious throat asTfishTngr-bo7t"ma7 be suckld^nTnd^disapftking in" these days o' low ^f^J^ from sight when caught at certain juncturesi offarance money. ^£inoj a bit cargo, ane o' the I've heard it was a fair saxty ZTirr: Saxty per cent. !-worth a little cent. pu. - j ^ freights and big in- had a wee bit flutter, tides in Coirebhreacain whirlpool or in the Moskf ay back in ^^^^em in a wee port—na, re the name o' it—doon aboot Rio raideloTuf, the Brazeels, ye ken A queer Strom. His speech was slow, and as he talked' countries he had seen, of port dues, of the villi of certain Governments which kept no lights dangerous places of their coasts, his curly gol fleece, necked here and there with grey, s. by his emotion, set one a-thinking of what a would look like if it could be endued with um standing and wake up to a sense of all the wroi st was run. iranae uu oui, ^ -—> < , . -r>rass ullv von king up at Loandy; we ca ed him Brass "li and a Christian too, except of course when - Weel, he ]ust had a friar »p in iere was business on. the bit port, before I had got my stuff on rd, and had them a' baptised . . . just throwing water on them in a horn, and mumbling a much cultivated the' -n 1 • 1 katin, an(* makin' crosses in the air—fair heard of Ibsen • av? ™ lfc * no man hfrperstition, I ca'ed it; and I'm telling ye, when " -e- efJ ls ?°?t but W110* 1 £ot to sea I had out the old book, and nnHi'H his iob . . . had them a' resprinkled it and its kind endured at the fell hands of maaloly water ou ^ « T'"U"7n the air—fair "Gadiss," he said, "is fine littel town ; not tjwbeen Latin and makin^rosses ^ titlOn, 1 ca eu lb, v„r.v nnrl them in the Free very strong. I bore myself soon in Gadiss, afct undid his job never can get any repairs done to my ship. I b|91 pit up a bit prayer ow ^ q mine mam-yard littel sprung now, and have to^irk o òcouanu btyie. round to Gartagena to get it repaired. toe free churches in thae days . Jane^ IT. F.'s set them up. A wheen o they newiy du too is elementary, and have no psychologic in IU. Fs set tnem up. a _aaBflD.p lut the lave . . . Their dancing is goot, the Romlns knew flftitted Christians died on the passage,^but the 'Impropa Gadiss,' they say, but I think perhaf them I got saf e enough to Rio gande^ ^ Liverpool or Gardiff is more wicked as Gadiss, f; and, man, a gran price 1 got roi. ii* • the peoples is not so elementary as here. ... 11 ah, it is still hot! Can none of you tell us sop SS jaKf tley^e afl so* oi — ^ Free Kirk, or God knows what would ha happened. 222 Dagos They Brazeelians are a superstitious lot. . . . Tell us yer yarn, Captain Fernandey; oot wi' it, Don Joesay." He paused, and opened a bottle of soda-water, letting the cork fly with a bang and most of the contents spurt out, and then pouring himself about a claret glass of whisky, tempered it slightly with what soda still remained, and drained it to the dregs, but slowly and with as little effort as if it had been milk. Boys selling lottery tickets dangled them underneath the noses of the customers, beseeching them to buy and win the biggest prize; beggars came in and stood behind the tables resisting all the objurgations of the assembled northern skippers and disappearing instantly when they heard Captain Fernandez say "May God assist you" in a quiet tone of voice. Silent and rather dapper-looking he sat sipping lemonade, smoking unnumberable cigarettes, and now and then assenting gravely with a " Bueno ! Yes, that iss so," or merely by a slight clicking of his tongue against the palate and a faint upward motion of the head. Short, slight, and burned so dark you might have thought that he had Indian blood; one thin and nervous hand, on which a heavy diamond ring shone like electric light, held his eternal cigarette; the other now and then stole almost unconsciously behind his back and rested for an instant, as if to reassure himself that it was there, upon a little hump formed by the handle of his pistol underneath his coat. As all his fellows looked at him he slightly flicked the ash off from his cigarette against the edge of the white marble table around which they sat, and blowing out an interminable cloud of Dagos 223 smoke from both his nostrils, said: " Why, you fellows want to hear a tale; it is still time to see the third piece at the theatre, or we can go and hear the Mochuelito sing ' Las Chiclaneras'. How he bewails himself, the little gypsy rogue; not his like in all the Spains to hang upon a note." No one adventuring anything except a grunt from Captain Harold that " De folk music of the zooth, with de irregular intervals it have, say nothing to me," Fernandez slowly began to speak, half automatically : " My friends, I think of something happen to me long ago; plenty of the psychology in it, Captain Karl, enough to satisfy your Ibsen, he who have so much grace". The passing jibe left Captain Harold quite unmoved save for a puffing out of his great cheeks and a slight blowing sound as when a whale has finished spouting and lies upon the water as if it contemplated whether it should begin again or sink into the depths. "It was way back—my God! I think it was thirty-five, perhaps forty year passed. I was third mate in a Peruvian barquentine trading from Paita, up the coast to San Francisco, Guaymas, San Blas and Mazatlàn, Salina-Cruz, Tehuantepec and Acapulco, and all those littel ports in Mexico. " The barquentine was built in Paita. Beautiful she was ; they never build no such vessels now these days." " Stow the description," cut in McMillan ; " I never had a guid conceit 0' thae bit Paity bar-quentines. . . . Yon way of staying forward the topgallant mast and lashing every sail down to a spar, looks fair theatrical. ..." "All is in the taste, my McMillan. You talk about your Scotch girls and say nothing like number one West Highland lassie; she have straight back, 224 Dagos short leg, and head like sunset, I think she look like German dachshund. . . . All is in the taste. . . . Where was I now ? Ah, yes, the barquentine. She was called La Esirella de Paita. She was clipper number one. ... I see her now; she sit upon the water just as she had been blown there like a leaf off a tree. " She was all right, it was the people that was in her that was bad. Most of them Indians—Cholos from the Bolivian ports and from Peru, one or two Correntinos from the Argentine Republic, half gauchos and half sailors, and with another part half devils, the cook a negro from about Panama or Savanilla, and two or three quite decent fishermen from Chiloè. You bet your ole sea-boot you have to keep your weather well skin with all those infidels. " The skipper was a Mexican, hail from Arispè. Cristo, what a man! He knew the coast blind drunk and blindfold, and that was all he know. " Ah, yes, Captain Karl Harold say, come heave round Rodney, and it is time, and it is true I am a little slow in making plain sail on my yarn. " Well, let me see. . . . Yes, we were dodging up the coast of Lower California, inside what we call Sea of Cortes and you the Californian Gulf. We have well passed the islands at the mouth; islands of Revillagigedo they are call, and their names San Benito, La Nublada, and cetera. We lay a little in towards the coast between San Blas and Mazatlàn to catch the lightest air; the Estrelk sail almost if a lady move a fan. . . . But I say no more of her, eh. You know that coast, eh, friends ?" " I know him well," the Swede remarked, "just like the coast where Pier Gynt's yacht was lost and he find Providence not economical. Wonder- Dagos 225 ful man dat Ibsen, what you call bawky up in Aberdeen." "Pawky, you mean," said the indignant Scot, and once again Fernandez launched into his tale. "Baffling light winds force us across amongst the islands opposite Cabo Haro upon the other coast. What so many islands and none of them inhabited by man—La Trinidad, Espiritu Santo ; what you call Holy Spirit and Branciforte, Isla del Carmen—islands and still more islands, till you can have no rest. Just about midday we were running under easy sail under the lee of the large Isla del Carmen hoping to get a slant of wind across to Guaymas to take us through the strait. "What salt there is in Carmen Island, eh—green, white and rose colour, almost as much as Cadiz— and, in my time, no one live on it, and only schooners from El Puerto de la Paz occasionally call. What you call jumping-off place, I think, though where you jump to except into the sea? But I remember; I was young then, five-and-thirty years ago—where have the years gone, tell me ? . . . It was interesting, for as you sail along the coast you feel like Alvarado or Cortes, and always think you come to something new, just as you think in life. " What a fine day it was; and all that salt it looked like crystal in the sun, in some places like a garden, and all the streams run through a reddish sort of grounds. Scarcely a ripple on the sea, which have an oily look; just enough wind to keep the sails just drawing. You recollect that La Estrella sail if you move a fan, eh; three or four fan make a stiff gale for her. Well, well, island of Branciforte was on her weather bow, three or four league away, and we just weathered Cabo de ... I forget his 226 Dagos name, but it is just where the salt finishes and tha thick forests all begin, for island of Carmen is about twenty mile in length, and broad, broad as] from here to Rota, say about three league. When] we pass by that little cape all changed at once, and it was fairyland—island of Carmen pretty, prettfl when you pass that cape. Trees coming down] right to the water edge, and little cove of sand so] white you want to go ashore and bathe. All tha crew came on deck to look at him, and the Corl rentinos, they say,' Ah, . . . like the country up tha Parana, by the Esquina,' and they fall talking theiq G-uarani, a heathen tongue it is. They say the devill go twelve years to school to learn him, and come] away a fool. "The two Chilòtes stand open-mouth, like children at the window of a pastry-cook, and when] the captain came on deck he looked across the bay] and say: ' Si, Sefior. Yes, a man could build al neat jacàl there and have good time with a nice] Indian wife, one of those Zapoteca girls if you could] steal one from about Salina-Cruz, or if not a good] Yaqui.' 'I always like an Indian girl,' he say;] ' they cooking well, and have no nonsense like white] woman, and if you beat them, not go stick a knifej in you when you are drunk or sleep.' Not too] much of a Christian was our old man, but he know] all the coast from Guaymas down to Paita as well as if he was a shark. His mother I think she was] a Pima or a Yaqui, and you know no one can make! good Christian out of an old Moor. Just as wel were standing by to go about, and the wind looked] like fresh'ning a little bit, he say, that is the captain] say—(I think I tell you that his name was Guadalupe! Perez.—No ! ah. I thought I did)—he say there isl a man upon the beach, running down to the shoral Dagos 227 I jump upon the rail, and see him waving his arms and making signals with a bough. ' Strange,' say the skipper, ' a man on isle of Carmen, where there is no Indians, and only schooners touch from Puerto de la Paz to load up salt, and now and then hunt the wild goats that swarm about the place.' Well, the poor devil on the beach go on like semaphore, waving his arms about, and then he run [down to the edge and go upon his knees. The old man curse a little about losing a fair wind, but give fthe order to back the fore topgallant sail and send away a boat. " I went away with the two Correntinos in our dingy to find out what was up. As we come close in the man ran to the boat up to the middle, and .clamber in as if a tiger running after him, and lie Mown in the bottom gasping like a fish. " I give him littel mescal. The Estrella never carry rum, only mescal, because the skipper get it cheap up in Arispè, where they grow plenty aloes, what they call there maguey. ' Ah,' say the [man, and shake my hand as if he pull it off. He say in Spanish, for he was Chilian down from Talcahuano, ' That do me good. Mother of God ! three months and never see a man; I think I going mad.' " He was burnt almost black, and ragged, I tell [you, ragged like a saint down about Casablanca or at Mazagàn; his hair like bird's nest, no shoes, and his feet all cracked with walking up and down I hunting for shell-fish on the rocks. He look back always towards the island as if he thought the devil Jwas behind the trees, and so I clap him on the shoulder and say,' All right, ole man, cheer up your pecker, there is not nothing to be 'fraid of, and I shall take you to the ship'. At first he speak 228 Dagos Dagos 229 he grab an iron pin and spring at him just like a jaguar. " One of the Correntinos threw a rope about his neck. They were, I think I told you, half sailor and half gaucho, and with another half of devil in their blood—that make them ready for any kind of thing. " Well, the ole man he look at them and say I Virgen de Guadalupe ! Put her about; let me get off from isle of Carmen before some more poor shipwrecked Chilians come out of the woods and make my ship a lunatic asylum, for they are all stark mad.' " We go about and lay our course for Guaymas, with a lively little wind, about a five-knot breeze, I think, and then the skipper have the two Chilians aft and question them about their devilment. "It came out then that they were really the only two men saved out of their vessel which have founder in a fog. They reach the shore upon some wreckage, and pretty nearly starve. " Two months and three pass by, they all the time hunting for shell-fish and snaring birds to eat. Then something happen and they fight, then separate, for island of Carmen get too little for them if they live close and speak. Each think the other come and kill him in the night, and they pass all their time, each with a stick under his hand, to keep his friend away. Then we come on the scene, and the first man hope that we never find the other—leave him there to die." He ceased, and the sea-breeze swept through the funnels of the streets in the now silent and deserted town as it would tear the cobble-stones out of their bedding, and the light seud raced overhead towards the east like feathers through the a little slow, but when he once get fairly under weigh the words come out like water from a barrel when you have set it run. He tell our skipper he have sailed from Copiapò and bound to San Francisco, and that the vessel founder out at sea, and that he alone have reached the island floating upon some wreckage, about six months ago. He seem a little hazy about things and have a hangdog look; but we say that the poor man is mad with solitude, and have him shaved and washed and give him suit of dungaree and send him down below. He speak with no one, and when he eat a little come up upon deck and fix his eyes upon the island as if he sorry after all to leave it, so that I tell him, ' Eh, you, do you want go ashore again ?' and he laugh like a rabbit when you kill him, and lights a cigarette. I tell you I did not much take to the fellow, he have a pug-dog look "We ran along the coast a bit, maybe an hour or two, as the wind had veered a little round, and doubled another little cape, and once again stand by to go about and stretch across the gulf. Just as the ole man going to give the order, up go his glass again, and he call out, ' Jesus Maria! I think I see a smoke. Surely,' he say, ' devils are in the island,' and as he speak a column of black smoke rise up just by the wall of forest which stand behind the beach. Looked like as if some one had thrown green wood upon the fire to make the smoke more black. We edge her little nearer in, and once again a man come running down the sand and wave his arms about. Same old nonsense-send a boat ashore, and come back to the ship with one more ragged Chilian very like the last. When he come up the side and see the man we first took off he stare a little, and with a yell 230 Dies Irae sky. The audience sat silent for a time, and then McMillan, taking up his parable, observed: "A curious case, Fernandey. Aye, oo, aye, I'm glad your fellows both were dawgos. I canna' think that a white man could ever have descended to such a meanness. . . . Now I ca' it just incredible in a full chop white man." Fernandez, holding a glass of water in his hand, looked at him gravely and rejoined : " You see this water. All my life I have loved water, . . . good air, good water and good bells, the proverb says, and yet, when I have been in an old sailing ship out in the eastern seas, and when the water had run short been put upon two pints a day for drink and cooking, I have stand round the barrel, and, though it smelled just like the drainings of a tan-yard, counted the drops when it was poured into my pannikin as if they had been gold. " Si, Senor, . . . that is I mean, . . . how do you put it, eh?—it is not good to say fountain— out of your basin I shall never drink. ... eh, Si, Senor." R. B. cunninghame graham. dies irae1 (LA NA FEIRG) 'S e 'n latha sin lath' na dunach, Thig am Bràth 'ni smal de'n chruinne ; Dh'innis Sibil 'us Dài 'n cunnart. 1 Air a eadar-theangachadh o'n Laidinn le Iain Mac Dhòmhnaill, Fear na Ceapach, nach maireann. Dies Irae 231 'S mòr an sin a bhios a' bhalla-chrith 'N àm do'n Bhreitheamh tigh'nn a làthair 'Sheallas mean airson gach failinn. Sèidear trombaid's gabhaidh toirm, Cluinnear anns gach ait' a ghairm, Thionaileas gu mòd na mairbh. Bàs us Nàdar theid à cleachdadh (Duirp ag èirigh suas gu beatha, Tigh'nn air bial-thaobh clàr-na-Breithe. Leabhar sgriobhte thig am follais, 'Bheir do'n t-saoghal ceart mar thoilleas. Air do'n Bhreitheamh dol's a' chathair Cha ghabh uaigneas air bith falach 'S air gach giamh theid cìs a ghabhail. Dè, an sin, mo thruaigh, 'a their mi Dè'm fear-cònaidh 'ni mo sheasamh ? Oir's gann a thiarnar na deadh-chreidich. Tosa 'n iochd—air mo rath-sa 'Dh'fhuihg anshocair us tàmailt, Na dian mo dhibhirt an là sin. 'Thi 'rinn urad air mo shon-sa, A dhoirt d'fhuil air fiodh na croise, Cuir dhomh 'n ìre brigh do lotan. Fuasgladh agus Binn aig d'fhocal, Diomb na fiachan, saor a mhathadh Mu'n d'thig orm-sa Latha'n Tagraidh. 'M chiontach dìblidh goirt ag acain, Buthadh nàire 'thoill mo pheacadh, Baigh a Dhia rium, 's dian m'agairt. 232 Lord Marr's Manifesto lord marr's manifesto Of recent pronouncements concerning the Gaelic movement in -Scotland, few, if any, can compare in point of interest and importance with that recently issued by the Earl of Marr. Whether we consider the nature of this at once weighty and lucid statement itself, or the character of its author, it must be apparent that it constitutes a remarkable production. Certainly, so far as the historic House of Marr is concerned, no more interesting and patriotic Lord Marr's Manifesto 233 pronouncement has appeared from that quarter since the days when the organiser of the rising of 1715 issued his appeal, calling his countrymen to arms on behalf of the Stuarts. His descendant's manifesto, therefore, possesses in a conspicuous degree the highly prized virtue of "historical continuity ". There is an appropriateness about it which is at once seasonable and retrospective ; and its form, no less than its substance, are thoroughly in keeping with the best traditions of that historic House. Iain Cratkach may not have been, as politician and patriot, all that consistency required of him; but at all events he endeavoured to make amends for his earlier indiscretions. A leading promoter of the Union of 1707, he lived not only to regret it, but to vote against it in the English Parliament. Thus, his intentions were good: it was only his generalship that was awry. The conflict between theory and practice—betwixt principles and conduct—overwhelmed him. And, after all, has not many a better man than "Bobbing John" perished dismally in that unending contest ? Lord Marr's manifesto—the text of which has appeared in all the important Anglo-Gaelic newspapers—constitutes a double appeal. In the first place it is an appeal to the editors of our weekly newspapers to be more Gaelic in the letter, as in the spirit, of their journals. Lord Marr pleads for more Gaelic, and that of better quality. He also, rightly, takes exception to the subordinate position assigned to the Gaelic language in the weekly press. His observations on this point are worth reproducing:— "The English language," he says, "is too much in use in quarters and on occasions in which the Gaelic language could be employed with just as Thi 'thug mathanas do Mhairi, 'Gheall do'n mheirleach seilbh am Pàras Chuir thu mis' an dochas làidir. M'ùrnaigh lag, 's mo chrabhadh fionnar Neartaich fèin, bho 'n's tu is urrainn, 'S teasrig mi bho lasair Iutharn'. Deònaich ait' dhomh 'measg nan caorach; As na gobhair cuir gu taobh mi 'S air an deas-làmh gabh gu caomh ruim. Bho'n mhuintir mhollaichte 'gan claoidh, An teine dian nach tùchair 'chaoidh, Gairm-sa mi am measg nan naomh. Le cridh' umhlaidh, briste, cràiteach, Mo dhian ùrnaigh ruit a Shlan'air, Gabh fo' d'dhion an uair a bhàis mi. An latha dubhach sin us dèurach As an smuir an duine 'g èiridh ; Peacach truagh am meinn do mhathais, Baigh a Dhia 'nad iochd ri m'anam. 234 Lord Marrs Manifesto much, if not more, efficacy, and with a great deal more propriety, considering those patriotic principles which most of us, at least outwardly, profess. We complain, in the first place, of the treatment accorded to our language in the press. In too many cases but little use is made of the Gaelic, whilst in some others the position accorded to our ancient tongue is neither honourable to ourselves nor flattering to that language. A custom has sprung up of late of relegating the Gaelic reading matter to a single and more or less obscure column of the newspaper, and of admitting Gaelic articles on trifling—even childish—and dull subjects. It seems to be thought in some quarters that not only is almost anything good enough for the Gaelic reader, but that the less Gaelic there is introduced into the newspaper the better ; the consequences being that not only is the quantity of Gaelic reading matter ridiculously inadequate, if we consider the fact that Gaelic is the language of our race and the home speech of the vast majority of the inhabitants of the Gàidhealtachd, but the quality of these Gaelic contributions leaves much to be desired. The honour and dignity of the Gaelic language are manifestly seen to suffer seriously when, as too frequently happens, the Gaelic column is made the receptacle of childish sgeulachdan, rustic còmhraidhean, and so forth, to the exclusion of more interesting, more modern, more profitable and less trifling matter. The Gaelic language, a most highly cultivated and flexible and polished speech, is an admirable medium for the discussion of all the questions of the day; and its honour and dignity require that it should be used in these connections at least as prominently and as frequently as English. Lord Marr's Manifesto 235 " Another cause of complaint, so far as our otherwise admirable press is concerned, is the predominating position therein assigned to the English language. Surely there should be at least one good Gaelic leading article of reasonable length in every newspaper circulating in the Gàidhealtachd ? Our Irish and Welsh kinsmen set us an admirable example in this respect, and one which we would do well to follow. The titles, too, of our newspapers might with advantage, and no possible loss of consistency to ourselves, be printed in Gaelic as well as in English. Any stranger or foreigner now taking up a newspaper circulating in the Gàidhealtachd, and glancing through its contents would be justified in arguing therefrom a degree of vogue and prominence for the English language which, assuredly, if we are to consider the home life of our people, it does not in reality possess. We wage no war against English; we merely plead for the restoration of the Gaelic to its proper place amongst us. Its honour and dignity, no less than our own consistency, can be satisfied with nothing less." This could scarcely be better put. The language of the manifesto is simple yet forcible, strong yet dignified, and as regards its substance any one who knows anything of the Gàidhealtachd will admit that it is not only true in part, but stands completely justified as a whole. We cordially associate ourselves therefore with Lord Marr in his patriotic appeal; and as second cousins to that institution which he chides so pointedly, yet encourages— namely, the weekly press—we promise to do our best to execute his reasonable behests. We certainly think that there should be "at least one good Gaelic leading article " in every newspaper circulat- 236 Lord Marr's Manifesto Lord Marrs Manifesto 237 Meantime, much might be done to help to pave the way for this wholesome and necessary change in our affairs. We have no reason to doubt the patriotism of our literary confrèi'es of the periodical press. One and all, we think, are only too anxious to do their utmost to forward the Gaelic movement, since their inclinations, no less than their interests, are actively engaged thereby. The threatened deluge of Saxon periodicals is a serious menace to Gaelic journalism; and anything that will tend to keep our periodicals above water is obviously worth cultivating. And this the Gaelic movement, by erecting the impassable barrier of language between the Gàidhealtachd and the Galltachd— between, roughly speaking, Scotland and England —undoubtedly tends to do. Therefore, apart from motives of patriotism, the Gaelic movement appeals with a peculiar force to Scottish journalism. It is a defensive measure of the most transparent expediency. It is a call to arms, an invitation to close up our ranks against, and in view of, the threatened " literary " invasion from England. Assuredly, the coming of England's swarms of cheap and nasty periodicals is as little to be welcomed by us upon selfish, as upon moral and political grounds. Meantime, therefore, much might be done to make straight the way for the Gaelic journalist and journalism of the future. Our periodicals might be more carefully edited, by means of the afforded light of the Gaelic Renaissance. The national tone might be raised, and the " outlook," instead of being " British " and therefore provincial, should be brought in harmony with the imperial traditions of the Gaelic race—of that great race which once spread from Asia Minor in the East to the Isle of Saints and of Scholars in the West. ' For ing in the Gàidhealtachd, and professing to be " Highland "—an odious word of English manufacture against which we hereby and herewith vigorously protest. It is not treating the Gaelic language with that honour and dignity which it] deserves to discuss the leading political and social events of the day exclusively in English. If the movement is not to fall short of the desired result, Gaelic must emerge from the shell to which a bad system of education and the accompanying ills, ignorance and false shame, have impudently con-: signed it; and must assume the commanding posi-j tion now occupied by English amongst us. As Lord Marr justly observes : " Gaelic is the language of our race, and the home speech of the vast majority of the inhabitants of the Gàidhealtachd ". But few would think this to be so, having regard strictly to our newspapers, and to our "official" and semi-official conduct. No doubt there is a sad dearth of competent Gaelic journalists, owing to blundering and unpatriotic educational methods ; but this difficulty— a very serious and real one, as those who have had any experience of Gaelic journalism know full well —tends, fortunately, to disappear. The rising generation is being better educated. Our future] journalists will know how to write their own language with as much ease and precision as their forerunners know how to write that of England and the effect of this change cannot but be beneficial upon our race at large. It will inevitably reverse the position, the absurdity of which has] struck other people besides Lord Marr, leading to. the gradual assumption by the Gaelic language of that commanding position which the speech of the Saxon now occupies amongst us, owing to the dearth of competent Gaelic journalists. 238 Lord Marr's Manifesto Lord Marr's Manifesto 239 tainments throughout the Gàidhealtachd; and the language generally should be treated, not as if it were a semi-defunct speech (which it most certainly is not) and something to be ashamed of, but as a living tongue in which we take, as most of us assuredly do, a growing and a legitimate pride." This, likewise, is excellent, being much to the point. Undoubtedly the public, as a whole, is not sufficiently strong-minded and consistent. The sort of courage which breaks through foolish or injurious conventions, which dares to do and to say that which is noble and right, in spite of the shrugs and snubs of the servile and the ignorant, is, alas! still rare amongst us. But there is another matter in which we hold the public is equally blameworthy, and on which we wish Lord Marr could have touched; and that is, the scant support afforded by our public to publications in their own language. "Probably no race has given less encouragement to publications in its own tongue than the Celts of Scotland," remarked a writer in the Dundee Advertiser, whilst reviewing, highly appreciatively, a recent number of this periodical. And who shall say that this implied censure is not thoroughly deserved 1 0! the number of Gaelic periodicals that have set out with confidence and high hopes, and that have perished miserably by the way, owing to the coldness of their reception on the part of the Gael! A list of the defunct would, indeed, provide melancholy reading! For its sins, in this respect, the public might well be invited to do penance by reading it ciad in sackcloth and ashes, and all the dismal trappings of woe. Journal after journal, magazine after magazine have gone down, not because they deserved not to succeed, but because the Gael refused to support them. our forefathers had acquired the habit of " thinking imperially" many hundreds of years before the Anglo-Saxon race emerged from its primitive barbarism to be a thorn in the side of the Gaels, and a stumbling-block to progress and evolution upon national lines. The lessons of the Renaissance should be seized and utilised. The sort of hat-in-hand, by-your-leave attitude in face of the "Predominant Partner" should be discarded as insulting to ourselves and superfluity towards a parvenu acquaintance. " We wage no war against English," or the English. "We merely plead for the restoration" of the Gael to his proper place amongst the nations of the world. And, pray, what shall it profit a people if it wax fat and prosperous and lose, nevertheless, its own self-respect ? The second part of Lord Marr's manifesto is concerned with the faults of the public, and here, too, we are at one with the critic. Says Lord Marr : " English is commonly used to the prejudice and exclusion of Gaelic on many occasions in which the use of the latter would be infinitely preferable upon patriotic grounds, and certainly much more convenient. Such occasions we allude to are, public speeches (political and otherwise), presentations and addresses to private individuals and societies and corporate bodies (such as town councils), and the like. Gaelic, too, might advantageously be more extensively used in transacting public and private correspondence, in writing letters and reports of meetings, etc., for publication in the weekly local press; in meetings of public bodies such as county councils, parish councils, school boards, and so forth. Gaelic songs and sketches should figure prominently in all enter-. 240 Lord Marrs Manifesto Is there not something infinitely depressing and melancholy—somewhat even disgraceful to ourselves—in this unprovoked slaughter of the innocents? In turning over some of these dead leaves, more for our mortification than for our pleasure, we recently came upon the following, the type, alas! of many another such spirited announcement, whose fair promise neglect and indifference were too soon to nip in the bud. The extract in question is from the Teachdaire ùr Gàidhealach, a publication that did yeoman's service in the cause of the Gael in its day, but which, thanks to the Gael's broad back, has long joined the teeming majority. "Tha sinne agus iomadh caraid teas-chridheach a'cur romhainn nach sguir sinn d'ar saothair gus am bi eòlas sgriobhaidh agus leughaidh na Gàilig cho chumanta air Gàidhealtachd 'sa tha eòlas na Beurla air Galldachd 'no gus an tog sinn i cho àrd ri aona chanain eile 'san Boinn-Europa. Cha 'n 'eil sinn a'faicinn ni saoghalta's urrainn ar bacadh." Brave words, indeed, and all honour to the heroes who gave utterance to them! But how were they fulfilled ? There are some things which all the philosophy in the world will not enable us to support with calmness and equanimity, and this is one of them. Let us sorrowfully, and in a chastened spirit, pass on, for we have much to repent of, and not a little to learn. I There is, however, one other aspect of this question, touching which we must here perforce say a few words. And that is, the supercilious and hypercritical attitude which some Gaels take up with regard to their own publications. With some people, a Gaelic publication is, apparently, ever " fair game " for uncharitable criticism plentifully mingled with abuse. " A Gaelic periodical! Lord Marr's Manifesto 241 Come, let us vilify it and every one and every thing connected with it; and the kuSos will be ours !" they exclaim. So these malicious and unprofitable critics, instead of supporting that which they have, with a view to making the best of it— for in this world perfection is scarce and mediocrity sits in high places—conspire together with the design of rendering the life of the doomed publication insupportable. This truly detestable humour has played sad havoc with the literary efforts of the Gael. "Is iomadh coire a fhuair cuid do Chlèir na Gàidhealtachd do 'n Teachdaire fhad agus a bha e 'dol a mach ; ach is fhada mu 'n dfheuch a h-aon diubh fear a b'fhearr a chur 'na àite 'nuair a sguir e." That is it exactly. Thousands are ready to abuse and criticise ; but not a mother's son of them is willing to come forward and himself set his hand to the plough which, but for their want of support, would not now be stuck fast in the mire. We dislike "lecturing" and scolding; but however much the flippant and the peace-at-any-price makers may deprecate the statement, it is sometimes necessary to speak out. Let us conclude these heads by indulging the reasonable hope that the days of these absurdities (as of their foolish perpetrators) are overpast. Another theme, and it, also, a fair corollary to Lord Marr's spirited and patriotic manifesto. There is an amazing scarcity of books in the Gaelic language. Most Gaelic books seem to be out of print, and the few that are not so are exceeding hard to come by. The demand for Gaelic books is brisk—was never brisker we believe ; but the supply totally fails to keep pace with the demand. This, surely, is a curious state of affairs. In England, the difficulty which the publishers labour under is 242 Lord Marrs Manifesto to dispose of their works : with us, the obstacle til book-buying is the scarcity thereof ! Was ever sq whimsical a state of affairs encountered before-^ outside Alice's Wonderland ? The Comunn Gàidhl ealach knows, apparently, but one—an admirable] book in its way, but still but one—and in this respect bears a curious resemblance to the Bellman] in Lewis Carroll's Hunting of the Snark. Tha Bellman, it will be remembered, though a sldlfuB mariner on shore, had " Only one notion Of crossing the ocean, And that was by ringing his beil." | Similarly, the Comunn Gàidhealach would apl pear to be but a single-minded body in respect ta Gaelic literature; for its prize-winners are, year] after year, reduced to a single volume, which, in] view of its many excellencies, it might be invidious! if not positively indiscreet, here to mention. Peri haps, however, the Comunn has a private store of] the book in question, and, like John Gilpin's wife! is the happy possessor of a frugal mind. At ahj events, whatever the explanation, the mystery itself] undoubtedly exists. The people are clamouring] for literary bread; but there is not to give them—| even the stone of the second-hand bookseller. It has been said that Gaelic books are expensive to] produce; but why this should be so we are at a] loss to imagine. We have never heard it said that] Latin or French is more costly to set up than] English; and though a knowledge of Gaelic is] highly desirable in a compositor, yet it is not inl dispensable to the printing of the language. Tha conclusion we are forced to, therefore, is that GaeliJ publishers lack capital and enterprise. They seen! iLord Marr's Manifesto 243 determined that the public shall consume the very dregs of their presses before laying in material for a fresh vintage. This perpetual hunt for scarce j(and dirty) second, or rather legion, hand copies of (G-aehc classics, besides being highly vexatious (and (frequently disappointing), is absurd and discreditable. It is absurd, because the demand exists; and what is the use of a tradesman if he does not ¦cater for demand ? The millstone of competition should be tied about his neck, and he should be raucked in the sea of popular disfavour. It is discreditable, because it implies a certain want of address and backbone on the part of the reading public. A State without letters is like a ship without rudder; and a people which is so supine and indifferent touching its best interests that it can-mot summon up sufficient zeal and energy to send Ithe publishers about their appropriate business is mot only little to be admired, and even less envied, put is obviously-decadent, and intellectually worthless. Two strokes more and we shall have done for the present. We have no lack of Gaelic literary talent; but how many of our best men have published works in Gaelic? Our best scholars, [instead of writing in Gaelic—which they could rauite well do—almost invariably use English; and where they do use Gaelic, they seem incapable of completingtheir labours without adding much totally Superfluous English. Why a Gaelic author should (think it necessary to write the preface to his work, [or some other part thereof, in English, whilst the [rest of his text is in Gaelic, we have never been Sable to understand, though we have reflected and [cogitated (in vain) times without number. Obvi-lously, a Gaelic reader, who is always bilingual, does 244 Na h-Albannaich an Canada not require English in a Gaelic book; and a merely English reader does not require a book the greater part of which is written in Gaelic. Why, then, this most odd, most unaccountable mixture ? We are at a loss for an explanation. It may be that the] subconscious workings of the mind which is at once neither whole hog nor complete porker— neither quite Gaelic, nor yet entirely mere "British" —alone can supply it. With regard to publishers who impose English titles and title-pages on works] which have not a word of English within theuj entire compass, their ignorance and stupidity must, no doubt, be taken into charitable account in framing a suitable censure. Such practices, however, whatever their cause, cannot be too severely condemned. They are monuments of weakness, and! sign-posts of folly. They are ridiculous ; and though by no means inclined to exaggerate the penetrating power of projectiles where the hardened epidermis of the book-dealing fraternity is concerned, yet, in this case, as in some others, we are disposed to trust to the ridicule that kills. na h-alb ann aich an canada Ann an dlùthachadh air cùis an sgriobhaidh so a tha cho spèiseil do chridheachan nan Albannach! a tha an diugh beò, tionndaidh an inntinn gu furasda gu beathannan agus deanadais oidhirpeach Albannaich buadhach na tìre ris an canar an diugh Canada agus na Staidean Aonaichte. Anns an sgriobhadh so, cha dèanar agartas air priomh-achd no breug-dhealbhachd, a chionn cha'n 'eil na fìrinnean a thatar a' cur sios, agus na tachartais, a th'air an aithris, ach gu meamhair àl na Na h-Albannaich an Canada 245 linn so ath-nuadhachadh le treuntas agus dìlseachd do dhleasnas a tha cho bitheanta a comharrachadh nan Albannach anns gach staid shaoghalta anns am beil iad ri'm faighinn; agus anns an dòigh so an eisimpleir luachmhor a chumail suas dhaibhsan a thig as ar deigh gu feum nan linntean ri teachd. Cha'n aibheiseachadh a ràdh, mur biodh na h-Albannaich agus an sliochd ann air son dùthcha fhiadhaich Chanada thoirt gu riaghailt, cha bhiodh i an diugh cho iomraideach agus a tha i. Faodar a ràdh le cinnt, gu'm biodh e ro dhuilich do Chomunn Bàgh Hudson am feart agus am buanas fhaighinn a bha feumail dhaibh gus an oidhirpean misneachail a chur air bonn gu seasmhach, mur b'e's gu'n d'fhuaireadh o Albainn am pailteas iad. Maireannachd Albannach, fulangas Albannach, leanaltas Albannach, comasachd Albannach, agus treibhdhireachd Albannach; is iad so na buadhan a chomh-chuidich gus a' mhalairteach shoirbheasach as na ghabh an Comunn sin tlachd; agus, faodar a ràdh, mòr-chùis. Bha na h-ionadan falamh an oifigean nam marsantan-tachd air an lionadh leis na fir-oibre-seirbhisich a' Chomuinnrè ceithir - bliadhna - deug ; agus is ann troimh dhiachainn, air fhulang ann am fuachd tìr a' chruinn-a-tuath, a dhearbh iadsan a thèid ainmeachadh ann so cho toillteanach agus a bha iad air onair agus fìor-chliù. Foghnaidh facal no dhà mu bheagan de'n fheadhainn a b'àirde inbhe inntinn a sheòl a' mhalairteachd-bhian phrobhaideach so. Anns a' bhuidheann so, tha an Gàidheal ainmeal sin Sime Mac Thabhais, a rugadh 's a bhliadhna 1750, agus a bha 'na dhuine glè neartmhor, agus comh-dhùnadach an inntinn. Dhasan, thatar a toirt cliù air son Comunn-Bian-Mhalairt na h-Iar-Thuath a 246 Na h-Albannaich an Canada Na h-Albannaich an Canada 247 Coinnich ach a' mhiann air urram a chur air chorra-biod gus tuilleadh àiteachan a dhèanamh aithnichte. Ach, bha fios aige gun robh e ro fhad' air ais ann an speuradaireachd air son rannsachaidh ealadhanach a stiùireadh; agus gus uachdranachd fhaighinn air an an-fhios so, thug e, 'sa bhliadhna 1791, a thuras troimh Chanada, 'nuair nach robh carbadan no bàtaichean-dheatach luchairteach ann, gus imeachd a dheanamh socrach, gu Lunainn, far an deachaidh e a dh'fhaighinn faoghluim an àrd-chùnntais a bhiodh feumail dha a' rannsachadh an fhuinn eadar Abhainn Mhic Coinnich agus an Cuan Siar. Rinn e so ann an deacaireachd mhòr. Troimh mheud na h-airc a bha aige ri fhulang, chaill an t-eadar-theangair a mhisneach, agus dh'fhàg se e. Cha do chum so air ais an rannsachair gaisgeil. Chaidh e sios Abhainn an Fhriosailich, agus fhuair e a mach an Cuan Siar, agus dh'fhàg e againn mòr eòlas mu cheart shuidheachadh an àite so, na creutairean talmhaidh a bha tàmh ann, na lusan a [bha fàs ann, agus mu urrainneachd gus bian-mhalairt a mheudachadh air feadh na tìre. Bha e air a ghràdhachadh leosan a b'fheàrr a b'aithne e. Bha spèis aig a chàirdean dha, [bha eagal air a nàimhdean roimhe, dh'àrdaich a dhùthaich e le tiodal Iarla Shelkirk; agus tha an cruinne-cè gu lèir a' faighinn tairbhe bho 'chai-the-beatha. Anns a' bhliadhna 1815, rugadh an Albainn an Gàidheal eug-samhail sin Sir Iain A. Dòmh-nullach, a thàinig do Chanada anns a' bhliadhna 1820, agus a dh'fhàg dealbh a dheagh bheusan air Canada Aonaichte. Dhasan thatar a toirt urram air son na Roinnean sin a chur ri chèile ris an canar Uachdranachd Chanada. Aig àm ruathar nam " Finnineach," chunnacas feumalachd aonachd chruth-shuidheachadh ; air son comh-dheuchainnJ each agus comhstri eadar na buidheannan a bha 'strì air son malairteachd nam bian a chur an dara] taobh. O so, chi sinn, eadhon anns an aimsir chian] ud, agus am measg choilltean neo-bhriste America] mu thuath, gu'n d'fhuair màthair-aobhair a' mhoir] Chomuinn, tèarmuinn nach bu bheag dhiubh. Is] tric a dh'aobhraich a neart-inntinn agus a chomas! achd an obair comhstri gnothaich eadar e fèin agus] feadhainn eile; agus anns an dòigh so, bha, air] uairean, nàimhdeas air a chur air bonn. Cho! chruinnich e fortan nach bu bheag, agus chuir e] suas taigh-comhnuidh mòr dha-fein faisg air Monl treal, far am bheil a dhuslach tiodhlaicte. . An t-Al bannach iomraideach sin Alasdair Mac Coinnich, a bha 'na rannsachair cho urramach, chal leigear a leas ach 'ainm, agus a chliù ainmeachadh! gus iad a bhi air an gradhachadh agus air an urram! achadh. Tha esan do dh'America mu thuath mar] bha Mac an Lèigh agus feadhainn eile do dh'Africa.1 Anns a' Chiùine, 1789, dh'fhalbh e air a thuras! rannsachadh shoirbheasach thun an t-sruth air am bheil 'ainm, Abhainn Mhic Coinnich, agus lean ej i gus far am bheil i a tràghadh an Cuan na h-Arctic. Gus an rannsachadh so a thoirt gu crìch! shealbhaich, cha robh aige ach tri curraicheanl Innseanach, agus àireamh bheag de dhaoine. Chal robh nàimhdeas muinntir na tìre no an èiginn anns] an robh e a chum lòn fhaighinn d'a fheara 'nanl cùis eagail do spiorad neo-ghealtach an rannsachail! so. Shoirbhich là thuras, agus dh'osnaich e air son] saoghail eile fhaighinn a mach, gus an cur fo chìs] 'Na àm-san, cha robh dearbh fhios aig na fir-rannsachaidh air a' cheart àite anns an robh an] Cuan Siar air a shuidheachadh; agus cha d'rinn] an deagh ionnsaidh a thug e sios Abhainn Mhic 248 Na h-Albannaich an Canada air choir-eigin eadar nan Roinnean; ach, air tàille a' chosdas, chaidh a' chùis a chur an dara taobh gu àm na bu fhreagarraiche. Aig an àm so, bha e am beachd muinntir nan Roinnean Fairgeach (no Iochdrach) aonachd a dheanamh 'nam measg fèin, agus air an aobhar sin, chaidh ughdarras a thoirt dhaibh le'n taighean Pàrlamaid coinneachadh ann am Baile Shearlot, an Eilean a' Phrionnsa; agus do'n choinneamh so, thàinig Sir Iain agus feadhainn d'a cho-obraichean; agus dhealbh iad air inntinnean luchd-na-coinneamh gu'm bu mhath an rud an aonachd bheag a chur an dara taobh air son aonachd na bu mhutha anns am biodh an dà Chanada cuide-riutha; agus is e sin a chaidh a dheanamh. Anns an Iuchar, 1867, chaidh a dheanamh 'na Phriomh Mhinisteir air a' chiad Phàrlamaid Chanada air son chumhnantan Achd America mu Thuath a chur an gniomh. O'n bhuaidh a shealbhaich Canada an a' seòltachd riaghlaidh, agus am beartas, faodar Sir Iain Dòmhnullach a chur sios mar chomhairleach-rioghachd gun choimeas an America gus an latha an diugh. Bha e 'nochdadh 'na chaith-beatha fior ghlan na firinn, agus cha'n urrainn neach air bith a ràdh gu'n do rinn e gniomh suarach rè na h-uine 'bha e fuaighte ri innleachdan riaghlaidh. Thug an troimhe-chèile bha an Albainn anns a' bhliadhna 1745, agus na cruaidh-chàsan a bha iad a' fulang o'n luchd riaghlaidh air mòran de na Gàidheil dol air imrich a dh'ionnsaidh America. Mu'n àm so, chaidh mu 800 dhiubh do dh'Eilean a'Phrionnsa; mòran eile do Staidean Charolina; feadhainn gu tìr na h-Iar Tuath, troimh Bhàgh Hudson agus grunnan math do Ghleann a' Ghar-aidh, an Ontario. Thàinig, cuideachd, àireamh mhòr do Albainn Nuadh agus do Cheap Breatuinn, far am bheil an sliochd air an latha an diugh a' Na h-Albannaich an Canada 249 toirt cunntais orra fèin nach 'eil idir a' cur neo-urram air an sinnsir. Tha a' Ghàidhlig fhathast 'ga bruidhinn, agus na h-oilean 'ga chumail suas le iomadh neach. Tha leabhraichean is paipeirean air an cur a mach a tha freagrach do dh'fheumalachd an t-sluaigh. Mu leith chiad bliadhna air ais, bha paipeir Gàidhlig ris an canar A'Cfiisteag air a chur a mach an Antigonish, a tha fhathast a' cumail suas gu foghainnteach nan teagasgan agus nan fìrin-nean suidhichte a tha gu math agus feum a' chinne-dhaonna Bho chionn beagan bhliadhnaichean, bha paipeir seachduineach, am Mac-Talla, air a chur a mach ann an Sidni, a bha gu leasachadh rosg agus bàrdachd seann Albainn agus Albainn nuaidh. Ann an Eilean a' Phrionnsa, tha ministeir, A. Mac I. Mac a' Chèird, a tha 'na shloinntear ainmeil. Is ogha e do'n bhàrd Mac Uleathainn a bha, aon uair:— "A' meadhain fasaich air Abhainn Bharni Gun dad a b'fheàrr na bun-tàta lom." Tha e air mòran de na seann òrain Ghàidhlig fhoillseachadh. Chuir an t-Urramach foghlumta, an t-Easbuig Camashron, an Antigonish, a mach leabhar-aidmheil Gàidhlig a tha cho luachmhor leis a chomh-chreidmhich. Tha na h-oidhirpean so le Albannaich America-an-Ear air an cuideachadh gu math le Gàidheil Oirthir a' chuain Shìtheil, a tha cumail an cuimhne na glinn anns an d'rugadh iad, aig a' bheil gaol air cànain an sinnsear, agus a tha gu fialaidh toirt seachad an airgid gus Gàidhlig chaomh, ceòl binn, agus cluichean dhuineil nan Gàidheal a chumail suas. Am measg gach soirbheachadh 's a' mhèineadaireachd a thàinig air Alasdair Mòr Dòmhnullach, ris an canar "Righ Klondyke," cha d'rinn e dearmad air suim mhòr 250 Na h-Albannaich an Canada Na h-Albannaich an Canada 251 airgid a chur an dara taobh leis na thogadh eaglais bhriagha d'a chomh-chreidmhich, na Caitlicich, am baile mòr Dhawson. O so, chì sinn am feum math a rinn e de'n teagasg dhiadhaidh a fhuair e an tìr 'oige, Albainn Nuadh. An t-àrd urram a thug e do nithean agus buaine na nithean neo-mhaireannach an t-saoghail so, tha e 'ga chur air leith uapasan a leigeas air di-chuimhne Dia agus 'aoradh an uair, a gheibh iad mòran de mhaoin an t-saoghail so. Cha'n ann ris na Caitlicich a mhàin a tha an seòrsa diadhachd so fuaighte. Rinn Albannaich eile iomadh cuideachadh le'n eaglaisean fèin air feadh America. Is e Alasdair Graham Beil, a rugadh 'an Glaschu (1847) a thàinig do Chanada 1870, agus a rinneadh 'na àrd-fhear-foghluim an Ard-Oil-Thaigh Bhoston (1872) a thionnsgainn an ùr-innleachd fhiachail sin an telephone. Fhuair e sgriobhadh còrach air an fhoillseachadh so anns a' bhliadhna 1876, agus tha e gun tàmh ag oibreachadh gach là is bliadhna gus an innleachd so a dheanamh na's fheàrr agus na's fheàrr, gus am bheil i an diugh cho math agus gu'm faodar a ràdh nach d'fhuaradh 'mach ealain na's fèumaile na i. Am Beinn Bhrigh, faisg air Baddeck, C.B., chuir e suas togaileach mhòr far am bheil e comhnuidh gach samhradh, agus far am bi e gu dian a' saorachadh air an obair sin nach tèid aig duine 'tha beò air a deanamh cho math ris. Gun dàil, thug comuìnn fhoghlumta na Roinn Eorpa iomadh onair is tiodal do'n Albannach ealaineach so. Chaidh a dheanamh 'na thàinistear anns an Smithsonian Institute. Thug Ard-Oil-Thaigh Hei-delburgh dha an inbhe a b'àirde 'bha aige, agus thug uachdranachd na Frainge dha a' Volta Pìix. Thug Ard-Oil-Thaighean Ghlaschu is Shasuinn, far na chriochnaich e 'obair-sgoile, dha gach urram a h' àbhaist dhaibh a thoirt do na sgoilearan-tiodal, Leis an deagh ionnsachadh a bh'aige, ghabh e roimhe air a dheagh èideadh gus reachdan nàduir a chur fo smachd, agus feum math a' dèanamh do gach dìomhaireachd air am faigheadh e eòlas. Am measg nan uaislean a tha 'cuideachadh le'n ùine agus le'm maoin air son cleachdannan cliù-thoillteannach nan Gàidheal agus an cànain bhrigh-mhor a chumail suas, tha a h-aon a tha comhraichte 'nam measg gu lèir. Is e sin Iain D. Mac Ghillebh-raigh à Palo Alto, California. Rugadh an t-uasal so an Albainn, agus tha e 'san dùthaich so bho chionn iomadh bliadhna, far am beil e 'deanamh gu math anns an obair a roghnaich e. Is e Dòmhnull Mac Chlearaidh d'am b'fheàrr a b'aithne a' Ghàidhlig na 'Bheurla, a chuir air bonn Comunn Naoimh Aindrea ann an Tìr a' Phuirt (Portland), Oregon, agus shoirbhich leis gu math fo stiùireadh an duine ghasda so. Bha e ro dhìcheallach ann an cumail suas bheachdan Gàidhealach am measg a luchd-dùthcha. Cha'n urrainn mi, bho ghiorrad an sgrìobhaidh so, iomradh a thoirt air gach aon a rinn mòr-mhath do'n càirdean Albannach agus do'n tìr anns an d'rinn iad an dachaidh. Ann an San Francisco tha talla mòr aig na comuinn, far am bheil leabharlann math, anns am faigh gach neach dhiubh gach rosg is bàrdachd is àill leis. Tha e cho gnàthach do spiorad nan Gàidheal a bhi 'strì an oidhirpean misneachail, agus nach fan iad uile anns na h-àiteachan anns an cuir an imrich iad. Cha robh deòin aig an òigridh a rugadh anns na Roinnean Breatunnach air fuireach an tìr am breith. Thàinig iad 'nam mìltean do na bailtean anns na Staidean Aonaichte anns an robh mòran do bhùithean cèirde, gu sònruichte do Bhoston 252 Na h-Albannaich an Canada agus York Nuadh. Am measg nan uile anns na cearnaibh so, cha'n 'eil na bheir bàrr air na h-oganaich agus na maighdeanan so an dìlseachd, an comas, agus an ealain ghluasadachd nuadh. Air ceann mòran de na mòr-chomuinn san duthaich so, gu sònraichte far am bheil dilseachd agus earbsachd ro fheumail, an sin gheabhar na h-Albannaich, far am beil iad a' nochdadh an ionracas a fhuair iad aig glùn am mathar an tìr an òige. Ann am baile-mor Bhoston, far am bheil mu dheich-mìle-fichead dhiubh, tha an comuinn fèin aca, agus am paipeirean, far am bheil aoibhneas is deagh-bheusan na tìr o'n d'thàinig iad air an luaidh. Tha an gnàth caidreamhach dìblidh, air an d'thug ard-riaghladair na dùthcha so an t-ainm freagrach sin, fèin-mhort-gineal, ro chumanta ann an earrannan de'n tir so ach, taing do Dhia, cha'n iad mic is nigheanan nan Albannach na ciontaich. Cha'n ann 'nam measg, no anns na h-àiteachan anns am bheil iad a'comhnuidh a chithear an sgaradh-posaidh, agus neo-ghaol fhear d'am mnathan agus mnathan-do na fir. Gun mhòran tuilleadh airàdh mu'n chùis-neo-thaitnich so, tha sgriobhadair nam facal so gu làidir de'n bharail gur i fuil nan Albannach, fuil a tha ro luachmhor do shluagh America. An Canada, far am bheil na Gàidheil (gun ghuth a thoirt air creideamh) a' stiùradh gnothaichean na dùthcha, chithear cho ainneamh agus a tha an sgaradh-pòsaidh, ged tha e cho bitheanta far nach 'eil iad cho lionmhor. Cha'n fhaodar a leigeil air di-chuimhne gur Albannach an Caiptean Barr, d'am bheil na h-uile 'toirt mòr-urraim air son mar a làimhsich e na birlinnean Americanach. Tha deagh fhios, mur biodh e 'na mharaiche cho math, nach faigheadh e air Lipton na buaidhean a fhuair e. Gun an làimh- Na h-Albannaich an Canada 253 seachadh sgileil a rinn esan air a' bhirlinn Americanach, cha'n fhanadh an comharradh-buaidhe sin air an robh maraichean an t-saoghail gu lèir cho dèidheil, cho fada anns an dùthaich so. Faodaidh, mata, Albannaich a ràdh, gu'm bheil cuimhneachain aca as am faod iad uaill a ghabhail. O'n eachdraidh san tìm a dh'aom, cha'n 'eil teagamh sam bith nach bi sliochd nan Albannach anns na bliadhnaichean ri teachd cho urramach agus a bha an sinnsear anns na linntean a chaidh seachad. Anns a' bhliadhna 1714, rugadh Iain Pòl Jones an Albainn, agus dh'èug e am Paris, 1792, agus, as a sin, thugadh a dhuslach le mòr-urram do na Staidean Aonaichte o chionn ghoirid. Is ann an seirbhis nan Geangach a choisinn e a chiad chomharrachadh ainmeil cabhlachail. B'e a' chiad duine a chuir ri crann, a' bhratach a chaidh a dhealbh leis a' bhan-Albannaich, Ealasaid Ros, à Philadelphia. Nuair a bha e an seirbhis nan Aiteachais, rinn e mòran air son math nan luingeas-chogaidh. Is e, ma dh'fhaoidte, glacadh na Serapìs euchd a b' iomraidiche a chuir e an gniomh. Thug e seirbhis chomharraichte do chabhlaich na Frainge, agus Rusia. Bha e 'na fhior mharaiche agus mòr mhisneachail. Thug Americanach bliadhnaichean a' cladhach agus a' rannsachadh mu'n d'fhuair e a dhuslach ann am Paris. Chuir muinntir America luach cho mor air a sheirbhis d'an dùthaich 's gun do chum iad suas an rannsachadh gus na shoirbhich leo. Tha a dhuslach an diugh aig fois fo bhrataich na dùthcha do'n d'thug e a sheirbhis luachmhor an uair a bha i 'na h-èiginn. Mar a tha an sean-fhacal Laideann ag ràdh : Ab uno disce omnes. B. A. 254 Gaelic Arts and Crafts gaelic arts and crafts INTERIOR DECORATION The formative principles inspiring Gaelic art, and which give to it its peculiar character and charm, must be looked for outside Europe. The Celtic race belongs to the great Aryan brotherhood of nations, whose original home or habitat, as the scientific phrase goes, was in Northern India. The Gaelic language possesses remarkable affinities to certain Eastern dialects, and no view of our artistic achievements which does not take into consideration our early geographical situation would nowadays be considered scientifically acceptable. The direction assumed by the Aryan migration, or rather migrations, for, doubtless, there were several of them, was, of course, from east to west. But in these few observations touching the subject of " Gaelic Interior Decoration" it is not intended to do more than merely to glance at them in passing. The important points to bear in mind, however, are that Eastern art-forms are by no means uncommon in Europe, especially in Italy and Northern Spain, where by some they have, mistakenly of course, been supposed to be indigenous ; and that the striking resemblance which some of the best surviving specimens of Gaelic art bear to these interesting Continental survivals are to be regarded, not as evidences of Continental culture in Scotland and Ireland, but as results of Gaelic artistic influence in countries formerly in the possession of the Celtic branch of the great Aryan family. The Celtic art-forms survived long after the people who had brought them from their Eastern home "about the sources of the Ganges" Gaelic Arts and Crafts 255 had passed away. The Gaelic race was imitative in a very high degree no doubt; but the discovery of Celtic remains—bearing the hall-mark of their peculiar genius—in Scotland and Ireland, which date from a period long antecedent to the correspondence which existed between these two countries and the Continent of Europe, within historic times, effectually disposes of the theory that the Gaelic population of the British Isles borrowed their now familiar art-forms from the Latin or other races inhabiting Europe. In Scotland, the Gaelic period may be said to have extended from the earliest times that history takes cognisance of down to the reign of David I., 1124-1153; but in Ireland the same epoch endured somewhat longer; and owing, no doubt, to the latter country's more isolated geographical situation, and to the partial character of the early English conquests and settlements, when the change came which was to transform Ireland or Scotia Major into a nominal province of the English monarchy, the decay of the native Gaelic system was somewhat less rapid and far-reaching than it was in Scotland—the Scotia Minor of early history. In the latter country, the feudal system, introduced by David, who had been educated in the Norman Court of England, and who virtually owed his crown to Norman and English arms, soon brought about the destruction, or rather dissolution, of the pre-existing social and political fabric. The country was thoroughly Normanised in all its institutions and customs; and, with the introduction of these powerful foreign elements and agencies, Gaelic art necessarily sustained a blow from which it was powerless to recover. Gaelic influences might survive, as indeed we know they did endure, long 256 Gaelic Arts and Crafts Gaelic Arts and Crafts 257 piety were celebrated on the Continent, and there is evidence to prove that their artistic qualities were no less favourably regarded by the European peoples. It is of this period—the " palmy days " (in spite of much internal unrest) of the Gaelic race—and with special reference to the title of this paper that I propose to deal in the following pages. The houses of the Gaelic upper classes were round or rectangular in shape—the square house was practically unknown—and even long after the art of building in stone was introduced into Ireland and Scotland, they continued to be made of wood. It may well be inquired how came it to pass that so ingenious a people, and one so quick to apply and to improve foreign inventions, preferred wood to stone as building material. The solution of this problem is, perhaps, less difficult than it seems at first sight. The Gael was, and is, intensely conservative in his likes and dislikes. We know from many ecclesiastical authors how obstinately he clung to the More Scottorum, as Venerable Bede describes the Gaelic manner of building, long after the Latin or Continental method of using stone for wood had become familiar to him. His attachment to his own customs was, in this respect, something remarkable, for we have it on good authority that the Scottish (i.e. Gaelic) missionaries who emigrated to Europe in great numbers during the seventh, eighth and ninth centuries, generally preferred to build their churches and monasteries in their native manner, than to adopt the Latin method of building in stone. Apart from inborn prejudice, however, something must be allowed on the ground of dislike to a change which was not without its political aspects and consequences. There is evidence to show that the Latin civilisa- after the Anglo-Gaelic line of sovereigns, founded by Malcolm III. and his Saxon consort, Saint Margaret, had passed away, and the throne of Scotland had descended to a line of princes yet more alien in blood and foreign in education than were the Scottish sovereigns of the dynasty of Ceann Mòr; but these influences were comparatively slight, were manifested in a capricious and uncertain manner, possessed no political or social motif, and, like tombstones, merely served to mark the place where the Gaelic system, and all that appertained to it, lay buried. In both Ireland and Scotland the period extending from the sixth to the eighth centuries is commonly considered as that in which the Gaelic system was at its purest and its best. With the arrival of the Scandinavians both countries fell upon evil days. In consequence of the inroads of these ferocious barbarians the political system was seriously dislocated. Ireland and Scotland were obliged to stand upon the defensive, their growing correspondence was checked and otherwise injuriously affected, and with the burnings of countless monasteries, the cruel slaughter of their pious and industrious inmates, and the wanton destruction of many beautiful shrines and many valuable libraries, art and literature, of course, grievously suffered. Before the arrival of the Scandinavians, however, both Scotland and Ireland had made considerable progress in the common direction of civilisation and art. The governmental system, possessing all the weak elements of Gaelic rule, might be seriously defective from the modern point of view; but the two leading Celtic States of Europe were relatively prosperous in no inconsiderable degree. Their learning and 258 Gaelic Arts and Crafts Gaelic Arts and Crafts 259 we had and have a Gothic, a Greek and a Byzantine. Under favourable political circumstances, the Gaelic prejudice against stone would, no doubt, in course of time have disappeared, and a school of architects would have arisen which would have frankly recognised the general superiority of stone, from an artistic as well as from a purely utilitarian point of view. Nor is there any valid reason why the More Scottorum should have died the death of the exploded arts. The rich and beautiful effects that can be produced by wood in building must be familiar to every lover of art, and however unsuitable that substance may be, owing to its lesser durability and greater liability to destruction by fire, etc., for edifices, ecclesiastical as well as lay, which are designed to last for all time, and to serve the greatest ends which the mind of man can conceive, the artistic effect produced by wood is not much, if at all, inferior to that produced by stone, if the wood is employed on a sufficiently large scale, and due regard is had to the radical differences existing between the rival substances. I venture to think that if we could dissociate our minds from all ideas springing from a consciousness of the perishable nature of wood, it would be found that the rival merits of the two materials correspond more than, owing to this prejudice, they are usually considered to do. The principal " apartments" of the Gaelic residence consisted (in the case of the upper classes) of the dining or banqueting-hall, the sleeping rooms (all under separate roofs), and the Grianan or summer-house.1 With their exterior 1 The baloony was also an important adjunct to the Gaelic mansion. For a description of the balcony of Borrach Breo, Me O'Grady's Sika Gadelica, p. 156. tion was not everywhere acceptable in the countries of the Gael; and certainly, in the case of Scotland, the tendency of our early kings to "consolidate" their dominions by pressing southwards would be apt to foster and exaggerate this conservative tendency. But there is another and more important consideration which requires to be kept in mind when canvassing this problem with a view to a solution. The Gael's love of bright colours and florid, though artistic, decoration is well known, and need not here be insisted on. Now, the castle of stone, however superior to the wooden Ràth or Dùn as a place of defence, scarcely lent itself to the peculiar style of decoration with which our Gaelic ancestors were familiar, and with which as we have already seen our race was identified in a very particular manner. In spite, therefore, of its greater durability, the fact that the house of stone did not readily adapt itself to the More Scotto?'um is one, and by no means the least, of the many reasons why the Gaels of Scotland and Ireland used wood as building material long after stone had almost everywhere else expelled the more perishable but by no means necessarily less artistic material. "What might have happened had Scotland and Ireland been left free to develop the system under which our Gaelic ancestors lived, it is of course impossible to say, and perhaps idle to speculate. The group of "houses"—it must be borne in mind that each " room " in the Ràth or Dùn of a Gaelic nobleman constituted a separate "house"-—would, no doubt, in course of time, and in obedience to the inexorable law of evolution, have assumed a composite form, and we should have had, in all probability, a distinctively Gaelic style of architecture, just as 26o Gaelic Arts and Crafts form and appearance we are not here concerned! The banqueting-hall was usually a large apartment! rectangular in shape. In the case of "Tara of! the Kings" (in Ireland) this was an immensa building, 759 feet long and 46 feet wide. Origin! ally, however, it had been both longer and broader! In height it was 46 feet, " ornamented, carved and] painted in colours" (of. Social History of Andenk Ireland, by P. W. Joyce, vol. ii., p. 85). This greafl building is described in ancient documents as having had twelve (or fourteen) doors, and a great numben of windows fitted with glass. Internally, it was] divided off into a number of compartments on rather cubicles, in which the various guests of thi high kings were entertained, according to their] rank and dignity. The interior of the hall, which] though built upon so gigantic a scale yet was the] prevailing model for similar edifices a good deal] inferior to it in point of size throughout Ireland] and Scotland, was yet more richly embellished] than the exterior. The walls were of yew, elabor-1 ately carved and finely coloured. In many cases! they were partly hung with a kind of tapestry, in] which gold and silver thread were lavishly employed] to heighten the artistic effect produced by bright! colours (such as red, green, yellow, etc.) and del signs of native invention. In the case of a dining] hall, the seats or couches—for the ancient Gaels] had the Eoman fashion of partly reclining at their] meals-—ran round the entire circumference of the] room, each guest's back being to the wall—his] " arms " or other personal insignia being suspended! from a hook immediately above him—whilst the] centre of the compartment was left free for the] servers, cup-bearers, heralds, minstrels and others. I Only one side of the table or tables (for in some] Gaelic Arts and Crafts 261 noblemen's houses the " separate-table ' system was in vogue) was occupied, namely the side nearest to the wall, it not being considered polite to sit directly facing another guest especially if he was a stranger. The couches and tables, like the walls, were also generally made of yew, and were likewise richly carved and otherwise ornamented. Our ancient poets have left us many descriptions of these sumptuous buildings, some, of course, bearing evident traces of "poetic licence" in respect of the exaggerated language employed to describe their manifold beauties ; but when the whole is collated with what we certainly do know touching Gaelic interior decoration, it will appear ihat these descriptions, though generous, yet are by no means untrustworthy as regards their salient particulars. The following description of the house of Credè, a young princess of Kerry, is found in one of our early poems, and is typical of many such scattered throughout early Gaelic literature :— "Delightful the house in which she is. It would be happy for me to be in her Dùn Among her soft and downy couches. Cups she has and beautiful goblets, The colour (of her Dùn) is like the colour of lime.1 [Within it are couches and green rushes,2 [Within it are silks and blue mantles, ¦Within it are red-gold and crystal cups. 1A departure, apparently, from the usual plan of painting the outside of the Dim in gorgeous colours, r s For the floor. 262 Gaelic Arts and Crafts Oedè's chair is on your right hand, The pleasantest of the pleasant it is; All over a blaze of Alpine gold; At the foot of the beautiful couch, A gorgeous couch in full array, Stands directly above (by the side of) the chair. It was made by (or at) Tuile in the East Of yellow gold1 and precious stones (inlaid therewith). There is another couch on your right hand, Of gold and silver without defect; With curtains, with soft (pillows); And with graceful rods of golden bronze. One hundred feet are in Credè's house. Its portico with its thatch Of the wings of birds, blue and yellow,2 Its lawn in front, and its well (Formed) of crystal and of carmogal (possibly carbuncles)." Besides tables, chairs and couches, the Gaelic mansion contained little furniture. The rich, striking, and doubtless beautiful effect produced by the Gaelic interior was the result of a combination of artistic "values," of which gorgeous colours, precious metals, rich and varied hangings, and elaborate carving were the principal components. 1 That is of wood overlaid with gold. We frequently meet descriptions of golden chairs, golden shields, golden chariots, and even golden and silver houses in early Gaelic literature, which does not mean of course that such articles were made of solid gold or silver but that (being of wood) they were overlaid with such. 2 A not unusual method of thatching noblewomen's grianans and the porticoes of the houses of great nobles. Gaelic Arts and Crafts 263 In the case of bed " rooms," or rather bed houses, the same artistic mediums would doubtless be employed, though generally upon a less costly and magnificent scale. The bed houses were usually split up into cubicles or compartments, each having its bed or beds. The men and women's sleeping quarters were, however, kept separate—that is they formed separate houses. In the charming poem already quoted from, Credè's bed house (doubtless a house or compartment with a single bed in it, in the case of a lady of so great rank and fortune) is thus glanced at by the poet:— " Four posts to every bed, Of gold and of silver gracefully carved; A crystal gem between every two posts ; They are no cause of unpleasantness."1 The grianan1 or summer house was usually situated on the walls of the Dùn or Ràth, and corresponded to the modern drawing or withdrawing room. It was always built, as its name implies, in a sunny spot, and its windows were placed so as to obtain as extensive and pleasing a view of the surrounding country as possible. The grianan was considered as an indispensable adjunct to a Scottish nobleman's house down to a comparatively late period. The wall surrounding the palace of the bishops of Aberdeen had on it a grianan or summer house three storeys high, and doubtless this interesting building would still be standing were it not that the mistaken zeal of a mob of fanatics caused it to be pulled down not long after the change of religion in Scotland in the reign of 1 Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, O'Curry's translation. sGaelio, Grian, the sun. 264 Gaelic Arts and Crafts Queen Mary. Noblemen had their grianans as well as ladies of rank. A celebrated Ulster poet and satirist of the name of Bricrind Nemh-thenga, le., Bricrind of the Poisoned Tongue, built himself a sumptuous summer house which is thus alluded to in a narrative of the time: "That grianan was built with carvings and ornaments of admirable variety; and windows of glass were set in it on all sides ". But the summer houses or drawing-rooms of ladies of rank and fortune far exceeded in splendour and magnificence those constructed for the use of men, as was but natural. The grianan of Cede, the Irish princess already alluded to, is thus described:— " Of its grianan the corner stones Are all of silver and yellow gold ; Its thatch in stripes of faultless order Of (birds') wings of brown and crimson-red. Two door posts of green (wood) I see Nor is its door devoid of beauty; Of carved silver, long has it been renowned, Is the lintel that is over its door."1 As has already been said, the wood of the yew tree—perhaps the most beautiful of all woods— was largely employed in Gaelic interior decoration. " The working in this material," says O'Curry, " must have embraced a wide range of objects, as it formed, with some exceptions, the material of all the most 1 These constant references to gold and silver may seem, to the uninformed, somewhat extravagant; but they rest on historical evidence too good to be disputed. The rich remains of Gaelic metal work (at Dublin and elsewhere) are mostly of pure gold, and beautifully wrought. The Scottish King Calum a' Chinn Mhòir (Malcolm III.) had an immense treasure consisting of articles of vertu in gold and silver, inlaid with precious stones. Gaelic Arts and Crafts 265 elegant articles of furniture in pillars, seats, couches, beds, bed-posts, etc. . . . The yew was also largely used in cornices, wainscotting, or some such ornamentation of houses, from very early times." In many cases these carvings of yew were coloured in the tints proper to the objects which they were intended to represent, which must have produced a singularly striking, harmonious and beautiful effect. The exterior and interior of the cathedral church of Armagh is thus described by a celebrated Gaelic poet. It will be noticed that this church was built of stone, with oaken shingles in the place of slates. " The church of Armagh of the polished walls Is not smaller than three churches ; The foundation of this conspicuous church Is one solid indestructible rock. A capacious shrine of chiselled stone With ample oaken shingles covered; Well hath its polished sides been warmed With lime as white as plume of swans. Upon the arches (inside) of this white walled church Are festooned clusters of rosy grapes, From ancient yew profusely carved; This place where books are freely read." With these few observations—all too few considering the importance of the subject, and what might be written concerning it—I must reluctantly bring these few remarks to a close. Sufficient has been said, however, I hope, to show that our ancestors were by no means the savages it has suited the purpose of certain foreign historians to represent them as. They were in many ways people 266 Brosnachadh do na Gaidheil of remarkable taste, artistic insight and refinement^ who achieved no mean things in the direction of] civilisation and art. Their artistic out-put is manij festly something to be reckoned with, as is clearljJ proved by the various Celtic remains now honour! ably lodged, as precious relics, in public museums] and private collections throughout the British Isles and the Continent of Europe. The knowledge ancj consideration of these and other facts should dol much to strengthen and encourage those who are] now labouring in Ireland and Scotland for tha revival of the Gael as a social and political forced and as a factor and element in the world of arts] and crafts. G. L. brosnachadh do na gaidheil An uair a tha sinn a' gabhail beachd air an aobhar] mu'n do tharruing sinn ar claidheamh, mar gu'nj b'ann, agus am feum a tha againn mar chinneachj air leith air buille tearbhaich a bhualadh, mu'n cuir] sinn a ris anns an truaill e; tha sinn a' mothach-j adh dòchais aoibhnich ag èiridh suas 'nar n-inntinn] gu'm bi aig a' cheart àm so slighe air a fosgladh! chum saorsa na h-Alba air fad a toirt air a h-ais, agus a chum cuing sgreitidh tràillealachd Shasuinn a crathadh dhinn. Tha a' Ghàidhealtachd fathastì beò, taing do Dhia. Cha b'urrainn uile-chumachdj ghramail Shasuinn ar saorsa a ghlacadh gu buileach! Ach is ann a mhàin le treubhantas a choimhdear] i. Cha' n ion duinn fiughair a bhi againn gu'nj tèid sinn as o luchd-creachaidh a' chinne-dhaonnaJ trid bàighealachd. A rèir gach coltais, bithidh mòr shoirbheachadh] air a' Chomunn a chaidh a chur air bonn o cheann I Brosnachadh do na Gaidheil 267 mhios no dhà aig Aiseag na Connail ann an Earraghaidheal. Bha làn àm ceum do'n t-seòrsa so a ghabhail. Tha'n sluagh ullamh gu dol an comh-bhoinn, agus cha'n 'eil iad ach a' feitheamh gus an tig cuid-èiginn a chuireas ann an uidheam agus an rian iad. Bha Comunn an Fhearainn glè làidir anns a' Ghàidhealtachd o cheann fichead bliadhna, agus anns an àm sin cha tigeadh uachdaran no neach eile tuilleadh is dàna air an t-sluagh. An uair a thàinig Achd nan Croitearan a mach, chaidh an Comunn m'a sgaoil—ni a bha na chall nach bu bheag. Uaithe sin, dh'fhàs na h-uachdarain agus a' Phàrlamaid glè neo-ar-thaingeil air na croitearan —a chionn far nach 'eil aontachd, cha'n 'eil neart. Cha'n 'eil teagamh nach toir Comunn nan Croitearan agus nan Coitearan ùr-atharrachadh feumail is buannachdail air suidheachadh nan Gàidheal, agus nach [toir e cothrom dhoibh an cùisean agus an còraichean fèin a thagradh air mhodh iomchuidh is eufachdaich. Buaidh is piseach mata le Comunn nan Croitearan ! Dh' òrduich nàdur fèin do na h-uile dhaoine gu'm biodh an cuid fearainn ro-ionmhuinn leo. Ach tha dearbh-chinnt againn fèin, gu'm bheil na fleasgaich air an d'thugadh buaidh anns na làithean a [dh'aom air an fuadachadh a mach thar a' chuain, a chum àiteachan-seilg a dheanamh do na Sasunnaich. Tha na Sasunnaich, a' sealbhachadh na cuid a's mò d'ar gleann is d'ar beann, mar is aithne gu ro .mhaith do na h-uile fear. Ach cha 'n 'eil sinn dol a chur ar seula ris na h-uile ni a rinn na croitearan anns na bliadhnaichean a chaidh seachad, no leis na bha air a dheanamh 'nan ainm. Ni mò tha sinn dol a shuidhe ann am breitheanas agus a dhiteadh nan uachdaran gu h-iomlan. Mar tha'n sean-fhocal ag ràdh, " cha'n 'eil gur gun ghoirean, 's cha'n 'eil icoille gun chrianaich," agus cuiridh beagan de 268 Brosnachadh do na Gaidheil dhroch uachdarain droch ainm do 'n chorr. Achr tha sinn ag ràdh so, nam biodh na h-uachdarain Ghàidhealach cha'n e an fheadhainn a th'ann an diugh, oir is gann agus is tearc iadsan, ach an fheadhainn a bha rompa—air fuireach ni bu mhò am measg an cuid tuatha; nam biodh iad air an cànain ionnsachadh, agus dol a mach agus a steach mam measg air là fèille agus Di-dòmhnaich, an àite 'bhi cosg an storas le strùidhealachd agus stràic ann an Lunainn; agus nan robh iad an deagh-greim a chumail air an oighreachdan, cha bhiodh an fhicheadamh cuid de na h-uilc fo'n robh iad ag osnaich air teachd air luchd-àiteachaidh na Gàidhealtachd. Bha'n t-uachdaran, mar bu trice, anabarrach coltach ris a' chuthaig. Dh'fhaodadh e tighinn do'n dùthaich beagan làithean anns an t-samhradh, ach cha b'fhada gus am falbhadh e. B'e sin aon rud air an robh duine bochd aon uair a' gearan, an uair a thubhairt e :— " Uachdaran nach faic sinn, Bailidh nach dean ceartas Ministeir nach dean baisteadh, Dotair nach dean feairt oirnn." Cha'n 'eil duine air thalamh aig am bheil ni's mò ghraidh thir a bhreith na an Gàidheal. Co dhiù tha e bochd no beartach, tha e 'na fhior fhaoileig an droch cladaich, ged a dh'fhaodas an gleann 'san robh e òg a bhi lom, creagach, agus neo-thiorail; ged nach tigeadh as deigh na curachd ach a' bhuinneag agus an t-sealbhag, cha'n 'eil ceàrn de'n chruinne-cè cho aluinn 'na shùilean-san. Tha e coltach ris an fhaoileig ann an òran " Dhòmhnuill nan Oran " :— Brosnachadh do na Gaidheil 269 " 'S ann air slinnein an àigich A rinn mo mhàthair an t-eun diom, 'S a dh'aindeoin uidil is anraidh, Cha tig an là theid air di-chuimhn' Mo ghaol do'n bhad." Ach, cha'n 'eil sinn ag ràdh, air a shon sin, gu'm bu chòir do dhaoine òga, làidir, fallain, fuireach an diamhanas aig an taigh, far am bheil ni's leòir aig a' chirc le sgrioban gu'n lion i sgroban. B' fheàrr dhoibh gu mòr a bhi bogadh nan gad; agus ged nach biodh aca ach an t-ubh beag le 'bheannachd (mar a bha aig mac na bantraich anns a' sgeulachd), dol a shiubhal an t-saoghail, agus a dh'iarraidh an fhòrtain. Ach ma dh'fhalbhas iad, falbhadh iad le'n toil fèin—cha'n ann a chionn gu'm bheil e mar èiginn orra sin a dheanamh, an lorg droch uachdarain agus droch laghanna. Cha'n urrainn duine air bith a thoirt a chreidsinn oirnn gu'n do rinn na tighearnan Gàidhealach ceartas an uair a dh'-fhàsaich iad bailtean is sgireachdan; an uair a bha iomadh aitreabh is coisir mhùirneach air a sgapadh, agus gun air fhàgail far an robh iad ach làrach lom, gun chloich gun chrann ; an uair a bha luchd-shoithichean de'n tuath air am fògradh a dheòin no a dh'aindeoin gu dùthchana cèin a chum àite rèidh a dheanamh do chaoirich is do fhèidh. Agus ged a tha sinn cinnteach gu'm bu chòir cothrom a thabhairt do chuid de na croitearan dol far am feàrr an dean iad beò-shlaint, gidheadh bhiodh e chum maith na rioghachd, gu'm biodh àite tàimh air fhaotainn dhoibh ann an Albainn chaoimh nan stùc agus nan càrn. Is e na croitearan cnàimh-droma agus fèithean na Gàidhealtachd; agus b'olc a dheanadh an dùthaich as an aonais. Is e na 270 Brosnachadh do na Gaidheil The Wìtig Endowment Bill 271 croitearan an dà chuid cnàimh-droma is claidheamh do'n gluasad Ghàidhealach " Ged a gheibheadh tu caogad Mhuilt is rèithichean maola, 'S beag a thogadh a h-aon diubh Claidheamh faobharrach stàilinn." Cha'n 'eil e furasda do na Gàidheil an cruaidhchas troimh an deach an luchd-dùthcha a dhi-chuimh-neachadh. Ach cha'n urrainn do Achd Phàrlamaid peanas a dheanamh air na mairbh, no furtachd a thabhairt do mhuinntir a tha na ficheadan bliadhna fo'n fhòd. Ach tha sinn an dochas gu'n leasaichear cor na muinntir a tha beò. Tha sinn an dochas gu'm faigh na croitearan tuilleadh fearainn, co dhiù a gheibh iad e le Achd Pàrlamaid no air dhòigh air bith eile, agus gu'm bi an suidheachadh anns gach àite am bheil iad air a dheanamh ni's feàrr na bha e 0 chionn fhada. Cha do thogadh an Roimh an aon latha ; agus cha'n fhaigh na Gàidheil an còraichean agus an saorsa gu h-iomlan ann an latha. Ach is cinnteach, ma bhitheas sinn Jior a thaobh sinn fèin, agus seasmhach a thaobh ar dùthcha-ne, gu'n tig àm ar soirbheachaidh luath no mail. Rachadh sinn, mata, air ar n-aghaidh mar fhior Ghàidheil, gu duineil, misneachdail, treibh-dhireach. Cumadh sinn suas ar cànain, bàrdachd, beul-aithris, agus cleachdaidhean tir nam beann agus nan gaisgeach. Tagradh sinn cuis ar luchd-dùthcha a tha diblidh is bochd, agus na cuireadh a h-aon againn smal no tàmailt air ainm is cliù a' Ghàidheil. Tha Dia leinn fèin—leis na Gàidheil. Nach b'e Colum Cille e fèin a labhair mar sin ? Agus ma tha Dia leinn fèin, gu dearbh is coma co 'bhios 'nar n-aghaidh. the whig endowment bill We have more than once had occasion to remark that English party politics do not interest us, and save in so far as they trespass upon the State affairs of the Gael, are no concern of ours. Liberal and Conservative—Whig and Tory—we equally regard from a wholly detached point of view. The bosh about "Britain," also, will discover no echo in these pages. Twaddle and cant about the "loyalty" of the Gael to this or that "Imperial" tenet we abominate and deride. The idea of " Anglo-Saxon Unity" is wholly foreign and repugnant to our propaganda; and the " country-before-politics" agitation of the little, or expurgated, Jingoes of the type of Lord Meath we repudiate in name of the nationality of the Gael. The English Education Bill, however, now before Parliament, inasmuch and in so far as it concerns our race, justifies the brief departure we here design to make. If the Bill applied to English Catholics alone, English Catholics might safely be trusted to do their best to safeguard their religious interests; but the affairs of that country are not, and cannot be, our principal concern. Our sympathies, indeed, would necessarily be with our English co-religionists in any crisis or misfortune which might befall them. In a measure and in a sense which the Catholic, whatever his nationality, will discern, their concern must be our concern: our easiness must be their easiness. But it is a totally different state of affairs when, as happens in this case, the children of the Gael and their descendants likewise fall to be concerned. " Blood is thicker than water," as the old saying goes, and ought to be minded. The children of the Gael constitute by 272 The Whig Endowment Bill The Whig Endowment Bill 273 far the largest number of the Catholics in England; and this being so, their intended hurt necessarily becomes a casus belli with their co-religionists and fellow-countrymen elsewhere. In the first place, there seems to be something singularly unjust and ungenerous in the harsh treatment which the so-called Liberal Party has in store for the Catholics in England, by means of their preposterous Bill. It is an axiom that stands in no need of proof, that Ireland has been drained of her population in order that that of England might be swelled. Having constituted their desert, and blessed it in the names of " Law and Order," in the approved Saxon manner, no option was left to large numbers of the Gaels of Ireland but to emigrate where law is less harsh, and where social and economic conditions are less strained. Having, as it were, thus robbed Peter to discharge a debt to an imaginary Paul, one would be disposed to think that the most elementary notions of equity and justice would dictate fair and generous treatment towards the defrauded party. If you govern a country against its manifest will; if your rule, intentionally or otherwise, has the effect of driving large numbers of that people out of their own country into your own, the very least you can do is to refrain from wounding and persecuting such unwilling settlers in their most sacred and most susceptible feelings—that is to say in their religion. And, surely, the obligation becomes morally even more binding when the predominant creed of the dispossessed happens to be (as it is in the case before us) as widely different in character and complexion from that of the benefited country—for all population is benefit in the long run—as the poles are asunder ? We commend this view, which, through- out the long and animated debates characterising the passage of Mr. Birrell's Education Bill through the English House of Commons we do not remember to have encountered, to the attention and indulgent consideration, not only of those who agree with us in this matter, and who are of our own flesh and blood, but to that considerable body of political opinion in England, and amongst Englishmen, which, whatever its failings and shortcomings, at least professes a desire to see fairplay. The English people, as a whole, are far too prone to overlook, or to make light of, the obligations which they have contracted towards two nations (less numerous indeed, though not a whit less deserving than themselves) through the channel of a couple of mischievous unions. As to some extent conquerors of Scotland and Ireland, they have contracted, as they owe, very definite obligations. The disposition to pose as friends to liberty and freedom in every country save their own is far too common amongst them, and has earned for them abroad a not undeserved reputation for colossal hyprocrisy. We have no desire to pass as mendicants or as " sick men," whose pitiable petitions it were but charity to grant; but this we do say that in proportion to the consideration now shown us, and to the tact that is now used in the conduct of our affairs, will consist the mildness (or the severity) of the inevitable reckoning. As for the Bill itself, plainly it is bad beyond compare. For Catholics, it would have been a bad bill, even had Clauses 4 and 6 passed in some one or other of the suggested amended forms ; but with the Bill as it stands unamended, unshaven and unshorn, and with its withers conspicuously unwrung, we fail completely to see how any self-respecting Catholic 274 The Whig Endowment Bill can have anything to do with it. To touch it with the end of the proverbial barge-pole would be a form of compliment richly undeserved by it. Nor do we think that any good could come of discussing its flagitious details at this time of day. The measure has been vociferously damned times without number, and in more quarters than we care to enumerate; and all that now remains is for the House of Lords to mend or end it. We are sorry that the Gaels of these islands should be in any way beholden to that mouldy institution—the seat of crusted privilege, and the feudal system's penultimate ditch in England; but evidently Nonconformity brings us strange political bed-fellows. The automatic character of the Lords' opposition will, however, deprive them of any credit or kvSos which their contemplated action might otherwise have earned for them, so far as the Gaelic population is concerned. If the Bill were merely a Catholic Bill, we may safely assume that the Lords, as a body, would not lift a finger to ease us; but inasmuch as they conceive that the Church of England, as by law established, is like to be injured thereby, their hostility to the measure assumes the aspect of a foregone conclusion. It is, of course, a regrettable bore that Catholic interests should even appear to be identical with those of Protestants in even a single point, in even a solitary instance; but the facts being as we have briefly stated them, we apprehend that no one who does not deliberately wish to be under a bond of obligation to the Lords need entertain for them the smallest sentiment of gratitude in the matter. If one thing, however, more than another is made manifest by this blundering Bill, it is that the Whig element in the Liberal Party has suc- Tke Whig Endowment Bill 275 cessfully captured the official machine; and inasmuch as this is an event which bodes no good for the Gael, we think it not unworth our while to draw particular attention to it. If the Gael of Scotland and Ireland can be said to possess an hereditary enemy, it is certainly these pestiferous Whigs. The Whig Party is the Nonconformist Party in English politics, and, time out of mind, has always been so. Cromwell was a Whig, as tyrannical and truculent a limb of Beelzebub as ever organised a pogrom, and styled it pacification. Dutch William, the hero of Glencoe, was another; and so was that mass of cruelty, bigotry and incompetence called Cumberland. The Whig Party, with few honourable exceptions, has been consistently opposed to Catholic claims; and has more than once thwarted the legitimate desire of the Gaels for self-government. It is true that it was principally owing to the Whigs of the day that Catholic emancipation was placed upon the Statute Books; but it has to be remembered that the men who engineered that measure of relief through the English Legislature were persons of very different birth, breeding and mental qualities from the grocers and cheesemongers—the scourings of little Bethels, and the manipulators of village pump handles—who now constitute the rank and file of the Whig Party, and who have rushed Birrell and his Bill through the House of Commons. A bigot and a bore of the type of Dr. Clifford would have been ostracised by them; and a Cabinet Minister capable of mounting the hustings for the purpose of eulogising that dull and lugubrious heretic as the man who stood between the children and the priest would have been promptly taken by the crop and ignominiously cast into the streets. All through history, indeed, 276 The Whig Endowment Bill we see these Psalm-singing Whigs playing the parti of marplots to Gaelic national politics. The Tory] a mere Feudalist—the obsequient slave to kingly] prerogative and power—scarcely knew what he] was fighting for, or about; but the Nonconformist had ever definite aims, namely, the ascendency of] the Whig Party—of his own particular branch and] type of it that is to say—at the expense of the] State. How intolerant were these Whigs them-] selves, and how hypocritical their attachment tri] real liberty and freedom, we can easily perceive] from the treatment they meted out to the seventh] King James. Whatever that king's motives—and! we see no reason to doubt their essential purity and] righteousness—he at least endeavoured universal toleration. He tried to carry into effect notions ;and principles which real Liberals of all times and] countries have always acclaimed and professed! But because he was a Catholic, and therefore susJ pect, they—the pretended friends to liberty and] progress—would have none of him. Instead, they] cast him out, and called to their aid a narrow and] gloomy bigot like unto themselves—Dutch William.] Their conduct was on all fours with this sickening] piece of hypocrisy at the time of the passing of the] Union and the events which followed that unhappy] undertaking. Truly, their deeds show that it was not liberty and freedom that they loved, but] "Popery" which they hated. It was sufficient for them for a man to be a Catholic and a patriot! when, straightway, he was denounced as a poten-i tial tyrant and made the butt of their rude and] clumsy jests about "Popery and wooden shoes".] And it was the same thing here in Scotland. The] men who screamed the loudest about freedom,] who professed to stand out for " Conscience " and! The Whig Endowment Bill 277 "Pure Religion," who took the name of Liberty most frequently in vain, and who gathered rebellion to themselves in name of their rustic covenants, were themselves the most unconscionable tyrants and bigots imaginable—fit forerunners of the text-wise, Bible-foolish Nonconformists of to-day. So long as his odious oligarchy in Church and State was fomented and encouraged by the Legislature, the Whig cared not what became of the rest of the country. To him, the name of freedom signified nothing if it could not be exploited to afford him scope for the display of his narrow sectarian prejudices, and his mean political rancours. The idea of a Catholic possessing a mind of his own, of his [being genuinely and inseparably attached to those [notions and principles of liberty and progress which Whigs pretended to acclaim, but openly violated, [they affected to laugh to scorn. With them, it [was a case of " the Catholic must die the political death," shall labour under the most horrid and vexatious political and civil disabilities, for no [other reason than that he was a Catholic. " Away with him!" they screamed, " release unto us rather Ithe Infidel or the Agnostic than the Idolater!" [Now, the "Idolater" was a Catholic. And so all through history we find these [miserable Whigs straining at ethical gnats, and [filling their bellies with fatted political camels. Under the last Gladstonian Administration they sustained some sort of check. The genius of that [great and good man, although it was not sufficient [to eradicate the poison from the body politic, kept lits noxious influences within circumscribed limits. But with the death of Mr. Gladstone, Whig ascendency again raised its baleful head. He was succeeded in the leadership of his party by a man, 278 The Whig Endowment Bill clever and plausible indeed, but as arrant a Whig as ever cried " Abba !" to Lucifer—Lord Rosebery. And the car which that astounding political pedlar gave to his party's concerns has endured to this day. To his influence, and to the influence of his like in English politics—the Haldanes, Asquiths, Greys and so forth—we may safely ascribe the revival of Whiggism in the Liberal Party, and the luxuriant crop of political ills to which that detestable ascendency has given birth. To the hostile influence of these men, not only must be ascribed such minor nuisances as the appearance of the ineffable Perks, and that of his gang of noisy and ill-mannered pinch-beck followers; but the shelving of Home Eule, and the pigeon-holing of the more pressing and important question of Catholic University Education. The harrow of Whiggism and Nonconformity, instead of being allowed to rust and to rot in its lonely political furrow, has been seized and driven with a vengeance through the toad of Liberalism, crushing and squelching it in its irresistible passage. Indeed, the Bill of Birrell, and the manner in which that unspeakable measure has been forced through the House of Commons, renders it evident that the Cabinet and the Liberal Party as a whole are fast in the clutches of the Whig managers. Of a truth, the zeal of the conventicles and the little Bethels hath eaten it up. The Whig Party has captured the official machine. It has done more: it has succeeded, at long last, in imposing its " religion "—its bit texts, and all the sorry rest of it—upon the English people; and, what is more, it has alternately browbeaten and bubbled the country into providing the money! Cailleach is Mac 279 cailleach is mac Am bitheantas, "tha aisling caillich mar a dùrachd". Gun teagamh is e dùrachd Mhr. Bain gu'n creidear na tha e 'cur an cèill anns an leabhar so—is e sin ri ràdh gu'm bheil Eaglais na Roimhe a dol a dholaidh. Le leth-shùil air a' Phàp, agus sùil eile air a sporan, sgriobh e Ios a dhurachd a bhi air a steidheachadh—air paipeir. Ach chan 'eil Mr. Bain 'na aonar anns an t-seadh so. Tha e gu dearbh 'na shamhladh air mòran dhaoine air aghaidh an t-saoghail. Is iomadh fear a th'ann a tha deanamh ceart direach mar a tha Mr. Bain a' deanamh 'na chuid sgeulachdan, da'n ainm (le'r cead), An t-Ath-Leas-ackadh Nuadh. Na is miann leosan gu'n creidear, tha iad 'ga sgriobhadh anns an cuid leabhraichean, a nasgaidh agus gun chunntas sam bith. Gu dearbh, mar a their iad anns a' Bheurla "is e am miann a tha 'na athair do'n bheachd," no, mar a theid sinn fèin, "Tha aisling caillich mar a durachd". Agus an ni a's fheàrr is urrainn a ràdh mu thimchioll a' gnothaich uile, is e sin gu'm bheil an cairdeas a tha eatorra gu tur soilleir. Their Mr. Bain, agus esan a' cur an cèill a chuid aisling: " Protestantism has never been able to regain any of the ground it lost during the counter-Reformation. . . . Nations under the sway of the Papacy have more than once become infidel (c'àif is cuin a thachair so ?), and in the recoil from infidelity have returned to their loyalty to the old faith; but they have shown no inclination or desire to turn for light to the faith of the Reformers. Nothing seemed more certain than that a Roman Catholic, if he lost his faith in Rome, would be- 278 The Whig Endowment Bill clever and plausible indeed, but as arrant a Whig as ever cried " Abba !" to Lucifer—Lord Rosebery. And the car which that astounding political pedlar gave to his party's concerns has endured to this day. To his influence, and to the influence of his like in English politics—the Haldanes, Asquiths, Greys and so forth—we may safely ascribe the revival of Whiggism in the Liberal Party, and the luxuriant crop of political ills to which that detestable ascendency has given birth. To the hostile influence of these men, not only must be ascribed such minor nuisances as the appearance of the ineffable Perks, and that of his gang of noisy and ill-mannered pinch-beck followers; but the shelving of Home Rule, and the pigeon-holing of the more pressing and important question of Catholic University Education. The harrow of Whiggism and Nonconformity, instead of being allowed to rust and to rot in its lonely political furrow, has been seized and driven with a vengeance through the toad of Liberalism, crushing and squelching it in its irresistible passage. Indeed, the Bill of Birrell, and the manner in which that unspeakable measure has been forced through the House of Commons, renders it evident that the Cabinet and the Liberal Party as a whole are fast in the clutches of the Whig managers. Of a truth, the zeal of the conventicles and the little Bethels hath eaten it up. The Whig Party has captured the official machine. It has done more: it has succeeded, at long last, in imposing its " religion "—its bit texts, and all the sorry rest of it—upon the English people; and, what is more, it has alternately browbeaten and bubbled the country into providing the money! Cailleach is Mac 279 cailleach is mac Am bitheantas, "tha aisling caillich mar a dùrachd". Gun teagamh is e dùrachd Mhr. Bain gu'n creidear na tha e 'cur an cèill anns an leabhar so—is e sin ri ràdh gu'm bheil Eaglais na Roimhe a dol a dholaidh. Le leth-shùil air a' Phàp, agus sùil eile air a sporan, sgriobh e Ios a dhurachd a bhi air a steidheachadh—air paipeir. Ach chan 'eil Mr. Bain 'na aonar anns an t-seadh so. Tha e gu dearbh 'na shamhladh air mòran dhaoine air aghaidh an t-saoghail. Is iomadh fear a th'ann a tha deanamh ceart direach mar a tha Mr. Bain a' deanamh 'na chuid sgeulachdan, da'n ainm (le'r cead), An t-Ath-Leas-achadh Nuadh. Na is miann leosan gu'n creidear, tha iad 'ga sgriobhadh anns an cuid leabhraichean, a nasgaidh agus gun chunntas sam bith. Gu dearbh, mar a their iad anns a' Bheurla " is e am miann a tha 'na athair do'n bheachd," no, mar a theid sinn fèin, "Tha aisling caillich mar a durachd". Agus an ni a's fheàrr is urrainn a ràdh mu thimchioll a' gnothaich uile, is e sin gu'm bheil an cairdeas a tha eatorra gu tur soilleir. Their Mr. Bain, agus esan a' cur an cèill a chuid aisling: " Protestantism has never been able to regain any of the ground it lost during the counter-Reformation. . . . Nations under the sway of the Papacy have more than once become infidel (c'àif is cuin a thachair so ?), and in the recoil from infidelity have returned to their loyalty to the old faith; but they have shown no inclination or desire to turn for light to the faith of the Reformers. Nothing seemed more certain than that a Roman Catholic, if he lost his faith in Rome, would be- 28o Cailleach is Mac come an infidel; and that if his faith revived he would go back to Rome and all her gorgeous ceremonial, her degrading superstitions, her galling tyranny. The result was that no missions were carried on as a rule more languidly than those to Roman Catholics, and none seemed so hopeless of success." Ach, a nis, agus a rèir na caillich Bain, nous avons changez tout cela. Cha'n 'eil a' chùis mar sin ni 's fhaide. Tha saorsa a thaobh creidimh air a steideachadh gu daingean anns gach cearn is baile de mhòr-thir na Roinn Eurpa. Tha na teachdairean Prostanach, maille ri 'n cuid bribeadairean, an dà chuid calma is cathach. Tha na doili a' faotainn am fradhairc, na bacaich ag imeachd, na lobhair air an glanadh, na bodhair a' cluinntinn, agus an soisgeul (a rèir na caillich Bain agus John Knox) air a shermonachadh do na Caitliceaich bhochda. A dh'aon fhocal, tha luchd-àiteachaidh nan dùthcannan Caitliceach air an tionndadh gu grad a dh'ionnsaidh creidimh nam Prostanach. Coma co dhiù, tha Mr. Bain ag innseadh dhuinn anns a chuid sgeulachd gu'm bheil e mar so; agus mur bi eòlas air, is cinnteach gu'm bheil am miann leis ri creidsinn na tha e 'sgriobhadh mu dhèighinn ar creidimh. A nis, nan d'rachadh leinn fèin a dhol air ar n-aghaidh chum Mhr. Bain agus a chuid chàirdean a thilgeadh bun os cionn—ni nach bu dhuilich a dheanamh—is dòcha gu'm biodh sinn air ar cur fo sgeig, gun dol fad' air ar n-aghaidh. Theirteadh rinn air ball, gu'm bheil sinn claon is aomachdail 'nar beachd; gu'm bheil ar teisteas-ne leth-bhreitheach, gun fhiù, 'chionn gu'm bheil sinn 'nar Caitlicaich. Is aithne dhuinn sin gu ro mhaith. Agus, o'n is e mar sin, tha sinn a' cur romhainn beachdan Cailleach is Mac 281 Prostanach a mhàin a thoirt air aghaidh mu'n leabhar so. Deù aon de na tiolpadairean Prostanach, agus e 'sgriobhadh anns an Times a tha air a chur a mach ann an Lunainn: " We have compared his (briathran Mhr. Bain) statements with other information that we possess from various of the countries to which he refers, and although there is nothing more risky than making prognostications as to the religious future of any country, it appears to us that all the signs of the times are against any such growth of Protestantism". Deir an tiolpadair ceudna ann an ait' eile: "Except in one case where there is a special political cause, the accessions to Protestantism (air tir mhòr na Roinn Europa) are quite insignificant. Mr. Bain himself confesses that this is so in some countries. . . . The one country in relation to which Mr. Bain's contention seems well founded is Austria; but in spite of all that he says we are not convinced that the Los von Rom movement is fundamentally religious. We believe that it is largely racial and political. . . . Every one who is acquainted with the Continent knows that there is in the Roman Catholic Church an immense store of real spiritual life; and there are within it intellectual movements far wider and more fertile than the somewhat unintelligent Protestantism of Mr. Bain. Even the statistics given by Mr. Bam himself of the growth of monasticism are hardly the signs of a decaying cause ; and people do not become monks or nuns nowadays from any but a religious motive. It is one of the weaknesses of Mr. Bain that he seems to be incapable of realising either the strength or the merit of the Roman Catholic Church." 282 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara why the curacoa did not go to ard na mara Dòmhnull Beag, which, being interpreted, is Little Donald, was a person of considerable parts, whose astuteness and cunning would have done credit to that heathen Chinee, whose ways were passing peculiar. Donald lived in a small heather-thatched cottage by the shores of a certain wild loch in western Ard na Mara; and his manner of earning a living was somewhat ambiguous. Had you consulted Donald himself on that point, he would have told you that he was farmer and fisherman by turns—one of that amphibious genus, in fine, in which the Western Highlands and the Islands abound—and that in spite of Crofters Act and Congested District Board he had a sore struggle of it to make the two ends meet. But as he was but rarely to be seen prosecuting either of those employments, whilst, judging by his appearance, his circumstances were easy enough, you would probably (unless you were more than usually credulous) have received his information with some hidden scepticism, if, indeed, you did not altogether disbelieve it. Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 283 Donald was by nature secretive, and like many men who join cunning to that quality, he preferred to live alone. Not that he was without friends, or shunned the society of his neighbours, with whom, on account of his sagacity and a certain quaintness of character, he was somewhat a favourite. But Little Donald was a disciple of Zimmer to the extent of at all events of constituting himself sole master of his own affairs, and of living in glorious isolation. He had a lively horror of women, mainly on account of their supposed loquacity, and many and bitter were the flouts and gibes he indulged in at their expense, especially when he was in his cups, which was rather more often, I daresay, than was good for him. But, ordinarily, Donald was sober enough. His circumstances did not allow of his imbibing too frequently—at least, so he said; and good whisky is hard to come by, even in honest Ard na Mara of the Lochs; which was another reason, perhaps, why Little Donald did not much frequent the inn at the head of the village, which lay about six long Highland miles from his house. So Donald lived alone, and strictly minded his own affairs; and if he did not fish much, nor labour over-much on his own croft, why whose business was that but his very own ? He kept the law, to all ostensible intents and appearances, and returned a civil answer to a civil question whenever one was addressed to him; and as his sense of individual responsibility did not ascend much higher, it is obvious that Donald, if no better, was at all events quite as good as many of his neighbours. He went to Mass regularly, summer and winter, and observed the appointed feasts and fasts. What more could a decent self-respecting Christian do, or what more could society reasonably expect of him ? Na so h-uiread a thaobh. Mhr. Bain. An ioghnadh leinn nach d'èisd an tiolpadair Prostanach gu toileach ris ì Gu fior, tha Mr. Bain 'na sgriobhadair mi-cheart, mi-thuigseach. Feudaidh gu'm bi an leabhar so na sgeulachd shunndach riusan a tha 'gabhail tlachd anns an Eachdraidh Mharia Mora agus a cuid sil; ach riusan leis am bheil miann ni beagan ni's fhèarr na sud fhaotaim, is cinnteach gu'm biodh e ach mar sgeulachd fhaoin is amad-anach a mhàin. 284 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 285 So, at least, argued Donald, who could not but be aware that his seeming want of means, joined to his easy manner of living, had not entirely escaped unfavourable comment. It was surely no business of the world's how he made the two ends meet, so long as he arrived at that desirable consummation ? For his part, he deprecated scandal and gossip of every kind, and certainly he did nothing to encourage them, so far as he was concerned. Little Donald, for all his low stature and amiable airs, was not the man to be trifled with; and no one in Ard na Mara of the Lochs knew better than he did how to snub an impertinent inquirer, or to turn the laugh against such as would be witty at his own expense. Still, tongues would wag, and gossips would have their say, in spite of all that Donald could do to prevent them; but what precisely the gossips did say regarding Dòmhnull Beag it would perhaps be indiscreet to divulge at this particular conjuncture. Suffice it to say, that the Ard na Mara gossips were probably not greatly inferior to their neighbours in the homely arts of adding two and two together, and of embroidering the resulting combination; and that in this particular locality, as in most others, the fact of a man's appearing in easy circumstances whilst, seemingly, he does nothing to acquire them, is apt to provoke curious and invidious remark. News is wont to travel slowly, even nowadays, in Ard na Mara of the Lochs, and it was not until four days after the date of their arrival in that country that Little Donald was informed that some fine gentlemen had come all the way from France to see if they could secure a site on which to raise a monastery in Ard na Mara. The news took Donald by disagreeable surprise; but what particularly interested him was the rumour that the monks in question were concerned in the manufacture of a particular liquor, which, in the local conflict of opinion touching its precise character, Little Donald had no hesitation in deciding to be whisky. Now, if there was one thing more than another which honest Donald reprobated, it was whisky—not, indeed, whisky in its finished state (to which, as I have said, he was, whiles, extremely partial), but whisky in its crude and immature form; for whisky in such a state almost necessarily involves the establishment of a building and appliances for the manufacture of the same, in other words a fully equipped and State-sanctioned distillery, which last, paradoxical as in may seem, was Little Donald's pet aversion, so far, at all events, as Ard na Mara was concerned. So when Donald heard it said that it was a place for making whisky in that the gentlemen from France were after, he was grievously distressed. His indignation was of that spontaneous, combustible and comprehensive character, whose name is " virtuous ". He was very much opposed to whisky on high moral ground- (he said); and though not actually a member of any temperance society, as he was careful to explain, he argued long and hotly against the projected distillery at many a little meeting of the gossips, convened at the inn in honour of the occasion. Of course, Dòmhnull Beag was full of compliments for the gentlemen from France. It was not he himself who would be saying anything against them, more especially as they were good Christians, and like as not, as good Catholics as themselves. And France, too, was it not a fine rich country, 286 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 287 men who would be wanting to have a pack of gaugers spying on them, whenever they were out and about to do an honest day's work? They knew as well as he did himself that no distillery could be put up without its little army of excisemen to watch and take care of it, to taste the whisky, maybe, and to play their cunning knavish tricks with the good stuff that was made in it. Was not the one gauger they had already coming amongst them from time to time enough, that they should be wanting to bring in a buidheann of others, along with their cuid families and their spying underhand ways, and meddlesome, interfering habits? As for that lanky Saxon heretic yonder, Donald acknowledged that he was nuisance enough; but to give the man his due, however fussy, officious and impudent he might be, there was no doubt (said Donald) that like most of his countrymen he was a thundering simpleton; and for all such mercies (added Donald, with a pious ejaculation) may the Saints in Heaven make them always truly thankful. Should they be wanting, therefore, to bring in his like, and perhaps ten times worse, to be for ever a-hunting and a-harrying and a-spying, from day to day and from hill to hill ? He thought he knew them far too well to believe that they could be wishing the foolish thing like that; but for his part, if they were unable or disinclined to do anything to help themselves, why he himself would set about that very thing; and he did not doubt that though they should fail, he himself would succeed. " And may the curse of Walter in Gaick," added Little Donald emphatically, as he brought his oration to a close, "be on each and every one who shall set hand to stone to put up a distillery in Ard na Mara." co dhiù, for all the bad treatment they were getting there along with them? And if the gentlemen were of opinion that Ard na Mara was the finer place, why, small blame to them on that account; for a wilder and more beautiful it would be impossible to find on all the broad bosom of the world. But whilst Little Donald was careful to eulogise the strangers in general terms, he was no less concerned to advertise his scruples touching their rumoured undertaking. What could they be coming there for at all, he asked, if it was not to put up a great big building for making whisky in? And were they the men whatever who would be wanting that sort of thing ? Was there not already a distillery at Cill Moire, not more than sixteen decent Highland miles away, where the water of life could be had, pure and strong, for such as wished, and had money to buy it ? They and their ancestors from the head of many years past had got on very well without a distillery amongst them: why, therefore, should they be wishing to have one now ? They had a fine country of it, and enjoyed it, too, pretty well to themselves barring the deer (his curse on them) and a few tourists in autumn. Did they think for a moment that that state of affairs would continue once a distillery was put up? A Mhoire! they would be clamouring for railways, canals, motor-cars, roads, policemen and a host of other dangerous and disturbing innovations before long. Let them follow close ,to the ways of their ancestors and rest contented with what they had. It would be the ruin of the country once the whisky (he said nothing as to the monks, buaidh is piseach leo) got a foothold in Ard na Mara of the Lochs. Besides, argued Donald, were they the sort of 288 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 289 Donald went home from the meeting in high dudgeon, revolving always in his mind plans by means of which, without unnecessarily exposing himself, he might put a nail in the coffin of that odious project of a distillery. Fertile was his imagination, and many and varied were the twists which he mentally took, in his endeavours to arrive at some practical solution of the difficulty confronting him. But cogitate as he might, plan as he might, somehow or other the thing he was wanting would not come out. He thought of kelpies and ghosts, of warlocks and so forth—he even thought of disguising himself, catheran fashion, and of kidnapping the ringleader or the head pioneer of the prospective army of gaugers—but no workable scheme could he find. To fail in his object would be worse than not to attempt it at all. He must hit on some plan which would be easy to execute single-handed. Now, if only that dolt of a Saxon gauger—and here Donald struck his thigh, and burst into a loud laugh as a solution of the difficulty suddenly flashed through his mind. He would make friends with the gauger—for a time— and having carefully matured his plans, would trust the execution of his scheme to Providence. A week or so afterwards, Little Donald might have been seen in company with a party of gentlemen, who were prospecting Ard na Mara in search of a site whereon to set up a monastery. The services of Donald had not been formally requisitioned ; but as he had chosen to offer himself as one to whom every inch of that country was more than familiar, he was suffered to attach himself (in capacity of guide) to the party, which consisted of the four strangers from France, the local priest, the bishop of the diocese, a Glasgow architect, and one other, a lawyer's clerk from a west country town. Little Donald busied himself vastly that day, running about from place to place and passing from point to point, in a manner which was both wonderful to behold and painful to experience. He discussed possible sites here, and discovered unexpected objections and disadvantages there, so that in the space of four or five hours or so he had pretty well covered the whole of the ground under consideration (as well as exhausted most of the party), with the exception of a wild and exceeding mountainous tract of country near his own home and into which, with many flowery encomiums on its natural beauties and advantages, in his very best English, he at last proceeded to conduct the party, which by this time had become so impressed by Ms knowledge and zeal (as well as not a little drawn towards him on account of his amiability, shrewdness and many whimsicalities of manner), that they readily suffered themselves to be led whithersoever was pleasing to their loquacious and indefatigable guide. By devious ways and rugged paths Donald conducted the party, which was by now pretty well fatigued, into a very high country, through which a mountain torrent, whose precipitous braes were thickly fringed with birch trees, rushed and roared. At the head of this country was an elevated plateau formed by a strip of meadow land of surprising beauty and attractiveness; and it was on this picturesque site that Little Donald suggested that the monks should build their monastery. "See!" he exclaimed to the breathless party around him, and pointing to the plateau which stretched invitingly above them, "yonder there is the best site in all Ard na Mara! If the gentlemen will follow me we will soon be there." 290 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 291 Little Donald sprang towards some bushes near him, which on being parted, discovered a rude track strewn with rocks, and half concealed by undergrowth. Motioning the party to follow him, he himself quickly disappeared from sight, and remaining for some time out of view, his companions, who were following as best they could, began to be apprehensive lest something untoward had happened to him ; when a loud shout not fifty yards from them immediately convinced them that their fears were groundless. " Haste you ! Haste you here, gentlemen!" cried Little Donald from amongst the trees. " See here what I have found." And English evidently proving insufficient, Donald vented his excitement in copious Gaelic. Thus exhorted, the whole party scrambled as fast as they were able in the direction of the place from which the voice of Donald had proceeded. And there he was, to be sure; his head, with its shock of unkempt lank black hair, appearing not twenty feet below the level of the rude track which the party were traversing, whilst the rest of his body was engulfed in the brushwood which surrounded him. "What have you got down there, Donald?" shouted the priest, as soon as he could find breath to articulate. " Come here and see for yourself, your Reverence, and those gentlemen too," replied Donald, turning a beaming and somewhat heated countenance upwards. " It is myself who would like you to see what is here. A Mhoire! it is a strange thing whatever." Impelled by a common curiosity, the priest and his companions scrambled down the brae, to the no small risk of their limbs, and a moment or two afterwards were standing by Donald's side upon a rocky ledge in the precipice. The ledge or shelf itself was so effectually screened from observation by trees that its existence could not have been even so much as suspected by any one standing on the path or track above, and looking down in the direction of the burn below. The priest drew a sharp quick breath when he saw what Donald was gazing at. " Good gracious!" he exclaimed, " an illicit still! " " It is the very thing you name and nothing else is in it!" cried Donald delightedly. " And I am thinking she's in very good working order," he added approvingly. The party, headed by Donald, now made a more thorough investigation of the smugglers'bothy, which was constructed of turfs and branches, and seemed to be a somewhat superior affair. The smugglers had evidently been disturbed at their work, for the " pot" was full of malt and water, whilst the fire below it was laid for kindling. Donald was extremely interested in all that he saw, and took upon himself to explain the working of the still with a. degree of knowledge and minuteness of detail which,, at another time and under different circumstances,, might have exposed to him to considerable suspicion.. " See!" cried the priest excitedly, who by this; time was almost as much interested in Donald's discovery as was that worthy himself. " Everything is ready for another brew. We have evidently just disturbed the rascals. Here are the fire and malt, and there are the peats as dry as coals. We should only have to light the fire to set the still agoing!" " It is your Reverence who is speaking the very G * 292 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 293 hands upon the majesty of the law by the presence of the priest and his companions. Prevented from wreaking his vengeance on the exciseman, he vented his wrath in scowling at him in the most threatening manner imaginable, and in cursing him and his kind in Gaelic, pointed indeed, but too vigorous for repetition. The gentlemen from France, too, as soon as the situation had been explained to them, and they realised its more serious aspect, manifested their uneasiness in unmistakable fashion. The bishop and the Glasgow architect were likewise very much perturbed. They did not at all relish the prospect of being involved in an affair of that kind, even as innocent parties—a sentiment which the priest and the lawyer's clerk shared to the full. And the alarm and uneasiness of all were by no means allayed when, to their unfeigned consternation and dismay, the gauger absolutely refused to credit their story, or to accept their proffered explanations. "But pray be reasonable, man!" cried the priest, addressing the gauger in some heat. " Is it likely that either these gentlemen here, who have come all the way from France on a perfectly legitimate business, his lordship, or, indeed, any of us would be concerned in a contemptible affair of this kind? I tell you the idea is preposterous— absurd." "I cannot help that," replied the gauger doggedly. " You have been caught working an illicit still, in the company of a suspected smuggler, which makes the matter ten times worse. I have long had my eye on Little Donald there. If, gentlemen, you are innocent as you say, you will doubtless have a chance of clearing yourselves in a court of law. I know my duty, thank you, which is to truth," cried Donald. " And bad luck to myself if I have not got a match to put a bit fire on those very peats there !" And before any one could prevent him, or, indeed, was fully conscious of what he was about, Donald had struck a light, and the fire was ablaze. The party gazed for some time in silence at the burning peats, whilst Donald ran about the bothy, attending to this and to that with a skill and an appearance of perfect familiarity with the resources •of the place which struck one at least of his observers as somewhat peculiar. " You should not have done that, Donald," said the priest gravely. "If the smoke were seen, it might get us into trouble, innocent as we are." "And who is there, whatever, that would be seeing us, Father," inquired Donald, "and we miles and miles away from that fool of a gauger ?" But at that very moment, as ill-luck would have it, the door of the bothy was suddenly darkened, and a voice at the threshold was raised. "So I have caught you at last, have I, Little Donald!" cried the gauger, as he entered the bothy (for it was none other than he), " and you, too, not so very far away from your own home either," he added, with a sarcastic affectation of Donald's idiom. "And pray, what are you doing here, your Reverence, and these gentlemen too? This is a serious business for all of you." To say that the party were surprised at this unexpected and inopportune intrusion would be to describe their amazement and confusion in the very mildest of terms. Donald was almost beside himself with mingled astonishment and rage, and would probably have offered some violence to the gauger if he had not been restrained from laying 294 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara\ t Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara 295 report the case at once in all its circumstances tal the proper authorities. And this I shall do with! out delay." It was in vain that the priest and his companions expostulated and explained and argued! The gauger was obdurate ; and to all their appeals! and reasonings returned the unfailing answer, thatj if they were innocent their innocence couldl doubtless be made good in a court of law. Mean-J while, however unpleasant, his duty was clear. The case now began to wear a truly serious aspect, and the priest, who felt himself in some] measure responsible for the whole party (with the] exception of Little Donald, whose imprudence did not entitle him to much consideration), commenced to feel considerable alarm for the issue of this! unfortunate occurrence, more especially as he] thought he detected some deeper meaning andj method in the gauger's uncommon obstinacy andj folly than was apparent upon the surface of the] affair. Moreover, he knew him to be à furious \ bigot, as well as a bad type of the Jack-in-office a and he reflected that even although they shoulcfl succeed in clearing themselves of the charge laid] at their door—an event touching which he had nod the smallest doubt—it would, nevertheless, be extremely unpleasant to be publicly involved in al highly undignified occurrence of that kind. What-] ever the issue, the consequent gossip and notoriety] would necessarily be considerable, and, if possible,! were distinctly to be avoided. Altogether, taking] one thing with another into consideration, to nipj an unhappy affair of that kind in the bud was] obviously the best, easiest and most agreeable way] out of the dilemma. So, casting about in his mind] for some means to pacify the gauger, and to release themselves from a highly disagreeable situation, he suddenly bethought him of Donald. "Donald!" cried the priest, sternly and au-thoritatively, addressing his parishioner in Gaelic, " whether or not you know more about this most unfortunate concern than you appear to do, I shall not now stop to inquire. But since it is 1 through your curiosity that we have got into trouble, I appeal to you to do your utmost to get us out of "I will do that, Father, and gladly!" cried Donald. "Bad luck to the match that I brought with me! Come along here with me, gauger; you and I will speak about this business to ourselves , outside." And seizing the obdurate exciseman by [the arm, he dragged rather than led him out of the bothy. The two remained absent for about a quarter of an hour, when both returned in company to the hut, where they found the little party standing gazing (dejectedly at the still, and at the scattered embers of the smugglers' fire. Dòmhnull Beag was the first to speak. " Gentlemen, your Reverence !" he cried, doffing his bonnet, and addressing the group in oratorical fashion, "it is myself that has settled this little difficulty with our friend the gauger here. He will say no [more about it whatever if you will agree to one I thing that he is asking of you." I " And what is that ?" said the priest. " That you do not put up a monastery in Ard na Mara at all," replied Little Donald solemnly. The party looked at one another in, silence. [The Frenchmen, who had evidently grasped the [purport of the question and the reply, made as ithough to speak; but the bishop anticipated them. 296 Why the Curacoa did not go to Ard na Mara " We can have nothing to do with any stipulation of that kind," he said decisively. "That is for our friends here from France to decide. If they choose to accept the officer's terms, it is for them to say so. For my part, I can only enter my protest against such senseless bigotry, for our innocence being clear, it can only be from bigotry or some such motive that so otherwise inexplicable a proposition could proceed." All eyes were now turned to the little group of Frenchmen, one of whom, with a gesture which might have signified either amusement or disgust— perhaps both—now stepped forward to act as spokesman for his compatriots. "Under the circumstances, we will do as this gentleman (indicating the gauger) suggests," he said, in excellent English. " We could not think of being the innocent cause of getting our good friends here into trouble, though they, as ourselves, are perfectly innocent. And after what has occurred to-day, we could not well think of building our monastery in Ard na Mara. After all," he added, smiling and shrugging his shoulders, " the world is wide, and land is plentiful where money is not scarce. As for bigotry, alas! we are well used to it in France." The bishop was manifestly greatly annoyed at the inauspicious turn which, thanks to the gauger and Donald, events had taken, but in view of the obstinacy of the former he recognised his powerless-ness to undo the mischief that had been done. Certainly almost any compromise was better than being publicly involved in a case of the kind evidently contemplated by the gauger. And if the Curacoa was not destined to come to Ard na Mara, why, doubtless, just as good a place for it could be found elsewhere in Scotland. Fontenoy and After 297 "Take you heed, another time, where your curiosity leads you," he said, looking severely at Donald, " and profit by the experience which this day's work has brought you. But come, gentlemen, it is getting late and it is time for us to be going. We have surely wasted enough over this ridiculous business." And so saying he abruptly led the way out of the hut, followed by the priest and the rest of the company. Little Donald remained behind, not caring doubtless to encounter the searching cross-examination to which, he felt sure, the priest, at least, would subject him in consequence of his somewhat ambiguous share in the events of the day. "She is an old pot, a very old pot. Cha'n 'eil feum agam oirre nis fhaide — I have no further use for her," said Donald to himself as, about half an hour after the party had quitted the bothy, he drew the still to the door of the hut, and, with a vigorous push, sent it flying down the brae into the burn below. " But this is the best day's work that ever she did in Ard na Mara of the Lochs." Seana chaidh. fontenoy and after1 Caelyle pronounced Fontenoy " a mystery and a riddle," and Mr. Skrine, in the work before us, obligingly comes forward to solve it—evidently for the first time, as he fondly imagines. For our parts, we have never quite understood where the 1 Fontenoy, and the War of the Austrian Succession, by Francis Henry Skrine. Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1906. 298 Fontenoy and After mystery lay. Certainly, Fontenoy was an English defeat, and amongst that modest people it may well be that a disaster of that kind is of itself sufficient to constitute a riddle and a mystery. But the whole period embracing the War of the Austrian Succession has been adequately and competently studied. The " general reader "—to quote Mr. Skrine's preface—may know "comparatively little of Sir Robert Walpole's long administration," and the important Continental events which coincided with it. But is the "general reader" in a better position regarding any other subject to which scepticism might tempt us to put a name ? Specialists may specialise, and collators may collate till all the world—not excepting history—is of the approved and proverbial blue; but does the " general reader " take much account of their manifold labours and performances? We doubt it. At all events, any respectable English, French or German history contains an adequate account of the War of the Austrian Succession. The springs thereof, and the events leading up thereto, are public property, with which every schoolboy at all events (we say nothing of the " general reader," who is, presumably, here understood to be a person of mature age, and whose learning, as whose intelligence, we do not rate particularly high) has long been more or less familiar. For our own parts, though not disposed to question Mr. Skrine's bond fides as historian, yet we certainly do suspect the genuineness of his opening assumption-— of his credentials as historical nutcracker. The whole book, indeed, reads like a kind of military tract, to which the War Office, standing for the nonce in loco parentis to Exeter Hall, has kindly furnished an imprimatur. Literary Fontenoy and After 299 persons are fond of speaking of " pegs " on which to hang their morals and arguments. This battle of Fontenoy seems to have been one of them, and Lord Roberts' bellicose introduction not very skilfully heightens the blushing impression. The battle of Fontenoy was fought in 1745, the very year in which Prince Charles Edward began his unfortunate adventure in Scotland. The sympathies of the Gaels of the day were, of course, if they were anywhere, rather on the side of the French than with the English. Still, the Black Watch fought on the side of the Saxons (in this book styled " British "), and however much one may marvel at their muddled politics, there is no question as to their valour and bravery. Probably few men of that famous regiment realised what they were fighting for. They had been raised by Government nominally to put clown smuggling and other illicit practices in the Gàidhealtachd. Their real function, however, was to have an eye and a watch for certain "rebellious" clans. Am Freiceadan dubh derived its name, not from the colour of its tartan, as our author imagines, but from the highly unpopular character of its functions. Dubh in Gaelic, besides signifying " black," means " dark " or " sad " in a moral sense. It is not to be supposed that any numerous body of Gaels relished the attention of these Hanoverian Fenians, or that their hostility and suspicion were like to be diminished merely because their watchers wore kilts. It was an unpopular service (as such services usually are), and the men composing it, however individually respectable and blameless, naturally shared in the popular odium. The Black Watch seems to have been the only Gaelic force employed on the English side at Fon- 3oo Fontenoy and After tenoy. A large number of Gaels, however, both of Ireland and Scotland, fought against the Saxons and with the French, which, on the whole (though we are no great admirers of the " Auld Alliance "), seems a more natural and sensible arrangement Indeed, the charge of the Irish Brigade at Fontenoy is famous in history. It certainly upset the equilibrium of the Butcher, who seems to have acted on this occasion like the blockhead, though not like the bloody monster, he was. Mr. Skrine has little to say in defence of Cumberland's conduct, which evidently goes sore against the grain with him, for our author is nothing if not a " pro-Briton," or rather Pan-Teuton. Mr. Skrine admits, in fact, that the Butcher's blundering generalship lost the English the day, though the usual sycophantic flatteries were showered on the ungainly idiot from court circles in London. In passing, we may mention that Mr. Skrine thinks the Irish memorial recently erected on the field of Fontenoy " vulgar ". Why so ? The Irish charge was a very creditable feature of the battle, and to celebrate it by a memorial seems a very natural proceeding. It is amazing how sensitive these Saxons are— when it comes to a push. As proving our contention that Fontenoy is here merely a tale by which to point a moral—a mere peg on which to hang a somewhat wearisome military tract, we may mention that the account of the battle comprises but a single chapter. After Fontenoy the scene soon changes, and we are introduced to Prince Charles's campaign in Scotland, which, in Mr. Skrine's hands, serves but as another peg on which to hang a suit of English regimentals. And here, also, we are on well-trodden and almost too familiar ground, in spite of Fontenoy and After 301 Mr. Skrine's rather bombastic preface. Certainly, he has little that is new to tell us about the Stuart Prince's unhappy adventure; and the change of air would not appear to have at all improved the Butcher's generalship. Poor Prince Charlie, a bit of a blunderer himself, easily outmanoeuvred and hoodwinked the pudding-faced numbskull from Hanover. He left him grievously in the lurch several times, and would assuredly have visited Fontenoy (and worse) on him at Culloden, or before it, had not his depositions, as his intelligence department (so-called) been wretchedly defective. Mr. Skrine properly blames the Prince's absurd siege of Stirling Castle, and his quite as ridiculous (because miscalculated) night march— to say nothing of the surprise that failed in the dismal dawn of the 16th of April. Certainly the generalship of Lord George Murray, or rather the advice which he gave to be declined without superabundant thanks, when contrasted with the military measures pursued by Cumberland, and with those which led Prince Charlie, at the dictation of his bit Frenchmen, to destruction, shines out as electric light to tallow dips. No doubt, it is easy to be wise after the event, as the superficial are fond of reminding us, but in this case the common sense which would have avoided Culloden dates at least as early as the Flood. Mr. Skrine thinks that " no good purpose would be served by reviving the memory of reprisals which tarnished the victor's laurels and branded him with the nickname ' Butcher'." And really, looking at the matter entirely from a recruiting point of view, we are inclined to agree with him. Certainly the "Butcher" is not a name to conjure with—even in messrooms and barrack-yards in Scotland. It 302 Fontenoy and After would certainly have a somewhat sinister look upon a recruiting poster; and we sympathise with Mr. Skrine in his obvious anxiety to bury a somewhat unpopular hatchet. But desirous and ready as we are to oblige a gentleman of so "patriotic" a disposition as Mr. Skrine, we must really deprecate any undue haste in the matter. The Cumberland atrocities are a favourite subject and study of ours, and if baulked of a reasonable opportunity of "rubbing them in," we might turn more than usually nasty. We have no particular desire to reduce Lord Roberts and Mr. Skrine to the mire, whatever hostile intentions we may cherish against their military apple-cart. Where inclination and duty are so obviously at fisticuffs, our stern sense of the latter will by no means be denied. We are really very sorry to seem cantankerous or unduly insistent; but inasmuch as Mr. Skrine's appeal militant is addressed to "Britons" (by which unscientific appellation he thinks to include the inhabitants of Scotland, Ireland and England in general), we feel that this is a matter which intimately concerns us. Iain Mac Coinnich, in his well-known Eachdraidh a'Phrionnsa, gives us some grisly particulars touching the Butcher's behaviour after Culloden. Mackenzie was a reputable historian, and his account of the massacre of defenceless men by Cumberland's lambs, and by the Butcher's orders, was, doubtless, compiled with the assistance of the testimony of eye-witnesses. He makes the gravest possible charge against Cumberland. "An dèidh do na chath a bhi thairis," he says, "dh' òrduich an Diùc d'a chuid saighdearan a dhol a chasradh nan daoine 'bha 'nan laighe leòinte air an raon." It is all very well for Mr. Skrine to plead "the Fontenoy and After idiosyncrasies and temper of the time" (!) in mitigation of his "British" hero's abominable conduct; but to stigmatise the deliberate and cold-blooded murder of wounded and defenceless men in these feeble knock-kneed terms must be little short of insulting—even to the " general reader". Mr. Skrine tries to make out that Cumberland's abominations were nothing extraordinary, or any ways remarkable. " Let us be thankful," he piously exclaims, " that we live in a gentler age, and fall not into the common error of judging characters that belong to history by canons of which they had not the remotest conception" I That Cumberland's "canons" were not those of any of his civilised contemporaries, and that the wretch's " methods of barbarism " were hateful to every right-thinking man of his day, is notorious. It would be intolerable to think otherwise. Funnily enough, Mr. Skrine himself prints an anecdote showing what manner of man was Cumberland— even in the opinion of contemporary Englishmen. It was proposed in the city of London to present this monster in the shape of a devil with the freedom of some company. "One of the aldermen said aloud, ' Then let it be of the Butchers'." We cannot resist the temptation to quote yet further from Mr. Skrine's interesting apologia. " Cumberland was, as we have seen, a strict disciplinarian, and his choler was raised to white heat by insubordination in any form." "A strict disciplinarian" is distinctly good. We thank thee for that description, honest Screen ! Nero and Caligula, no doubt, were "strict disciplinarians," whose cholers were apt to fly up at less than a moment's notice, and without the smallest provocation! " Filial love," too, we are told—what a spate of the milk of Fontenoy and After human kindness we have here, to be sure!—" and his own dynastic interests forbade him to extend mercy to rebels " ! The italics, which are ours, are comment enough upon this singularly heartless and fatuous style of "reasoning," which would be shocking even in a Hottentot, but which, in a member of a civilised community, is positively sickening. To conclude, we cannot conscientiously congratulate England on her two latest military heroes in Scotland, though both, no doubt, were "strict disciplinarians," with "dynastic interests," "filial love," cholers liable to fly up and down, and all the rest of it. Cumberland and Dutch William—these are, emphatically, not names to conjure with in Scotland. And even if relieved of their bloodstained labels, and styled "British," to facilitate their passage across the Border in the wake of the recruiting sergeant, we know our countrymen too well to believe that they could be for a moment deceived thereby. Like the delectable products of the Beef Trust in America, this injurious merchandise has fallen upon everlasting suspicion ; and, with the detestation of our countrymen before our eyes, we confidently prophesy a " slump " in " British " military exports. To this book Lord Roberts contributes a preface which reads like a recruiting sergeant's handbill gone daft. He calls Mr. Skrine's Fontenoy " a trumpet-call to Englishmen". Mr. Skrine dubs his Saxons " Britons" throughout! The latter alludes to the French as " our " hereditary enemies, which shows that he, at least, left some Scottish history behind him when he crossed the Border. Lord Roberts, we say, calls this book a trumpet-call to Englishmen—what a quagmire of incon- Focal Nuadh 305 sistencies and absurdities have our Bore-stone patriots brought us to!—but to the ears of the average Gael of understanding it is more likely to sound like some particularly painful and inharmonious undertaking on the part of "our" military Boanerges and his fellow windbag. focal nuadh Am bitheantas, cha'n 'eil na Gàidheil cho ealamh agus bu chòir dhoibh a bhith ann a bhith 'toirt a steach focail nuadha d'an cànain aosda, blasda, min. Gu dearbh, is neonach so, a chionn gu'm bheil iad beothacail, tuigsinneach, ni's leòir 'nan inntinn, agus air chaochladh dhòighean eile nach fhaod a bhith air an cur suas anns an àite so. Ghabh mi beachd sios o chionn latha no dhà air Fodair Gàidhlig a tha agam ; agus, ar leam, gu'n robh an fhàilinn so glè fhaicsinneach innte. Ach (ni a chuir ioghnadh agus diomb nach robh beag orm), thug mi fainear gu'n robh àireamh mhor de dh'fhocail Bheurla innte. An uair a tha focail nuadha a dhith air Gàidheil, an sgriobhadh no an seanachais, car son nach do chuir iad an taic ris an Laidinn, no ris a' Ghreugais, no ri h-aon sam bith eile de chànainean na Roinn Europa, an àite a bhith daonnan a' ruith a dh'ionnsaidh na Beurla, gus focail nuadha faotainn? Tha e air a ràdh le luchd-sgoil, agus sin gu tur fior, gu'm bheil an dàimh a tha eadar a' Ghaidhlig agus na cànainean Laidinn mòran ni's mò, ni's dluithe, agus ni's soilleire na tha e eadar a' Ghaidhlig agus a' Bheurla; agus ma's ann mar sin a tha, car son nach d'iarr sinn ar n-iasad 0 chànainean mhòr-thir na Roinn Europa— 306 Focal Nuadh gu h-àraidh o na cànainean Laidinn—an àite a bhith daonnan ag iarraidh dhèircean o na Sasunnaich ? A nis, tha focal ùr maith agam—focal Rusianachl —a fhuair mi o chionn latha no dhà anns na paipearan Sasunnach a leugh mi, cha'n ann gus mo thoil ach air son mo pheacannan—focal d'am bheil mi 'toirt spèis mhòr mar bhriathar làn seadh agus rèidh; agus, leis a sin, gu fior airidh gu bhith air I a thoirt a steach, agus air a suidheachadh, anns a' chànain againn fèin. Is e am focal so PogromX Tha pogrom a' ciallachadh seòrsa de chasgradhj mar tha e air a cur an òrdugh le Righ nan Rusian-1 ach (an Tsar), agus a chuid shaighdearan. Air. do'n Tsar agus a chuid cuirtearan a bhith air an? gonach air son leith-sgeul maith a Ios na Iudhaich1] Rusianach a chreach agus a chlaoidh, o chionn] mios no dhà, rinn iad Pogrom 'nan aghaidh—is ej sin ri ràdh, chòrd iad eadar fèin na Iudhaich a chreach agus a chasgadh, an dèidh do'n shluagh bhochd, mhi-fhortanach, sin a bhith air an farran-J achadh le dimeas agus le an-iochdmhorachd ro oillteil. Pògrum, casgradh Rusianach (ainm-fhocal bhoirionn). Sing. Gairm. Pogrom, casgradh Rusianach. Guth. A Phògruim. Gineamh. Pògruim. Tabhairt. Pògrum. Iomadh. Gairm. Pògruman. Guth. A Phògruma, etc., etc. R. Mac Uilleim. Guth na Bliadhna leabhar iii.] AM FOGHAB, 1906. [aireamh 4 cuid nam fineachan jFada fa-dhèireadh, agus an deigh mòran bhliadhnaichean tha againn a nis Bille ùr Fearainn—Bille, mar an ceudna, anns an urrainnear t-lachd mhòr a ghabhail, agus as am bheil sinn a' tarraing earbsa mhòr air taobh Fineachan na h-Alba. Cha 'n 'eil teagamh sam bith againn nach 'eil Bille Mhr. Sinclair 'na Bille anabarrach maith airson nithean na beatha-sa, agus buileach feumail mar an ceudna ; agus, mar tha cuid ag ràdh aig a' cheart àm so, is maith an comharradh oirre gu'm bheil an Scotsman, agus a luchd-leanmhuinn am measg uachdarain an fhearainn, 'na h-aghaidh am muigh agus am mach. Ach, is èiginn duinn, roimh ar beannachadh a thoirt dhi, a cuid ponganan fhaighinn a mach, agus an cur mu choinneamh ar luchd-1 leughaidh; beachd curramach, smioral, a ghabhail lair na stèidhean sin a tha aig bonn na Bille so. Agus gu sin a dheanamh air dhòigh agus nach leig sinn e fo amharus sam bith a thaobh nam bunail-itean sin, as am bheil e 'toirt làn earbsa ruinn fhèin, is èiginn duinn doras Eachdraidh na h-Alba fhosgladh car tamuill, agus sùil a thoirt rè ùine bhig iair sean nithean na Gàidhealtachd. 3o8 Cuid nam Fineachan An toiseach, niata, cia mar a chaidh am fearann a' riaghladh am measg nan seana Crhàidheal, agus ciod iad na còirichean a bha aca air talamh na dùthcha anns na làithean a dh' aom ? An uair a gheibh sinn thairis air so, gabhaidh sinn beachd air a' Bhille fèin, a Ios, theagamh, gu'm faigh sinn leasachadh no choir-eigin a chuireadh sinn a steach innte. Tha a' chiad sealladh a ghabhas sinn air ar sinnsearan a' nochdadh dhuinn gu'n robh iad mar phriomh-fhir, no mar dhuine borba a mhàin. Is e sin ri ràdh, chum iad an cuid treud is buar; agus cha robh aca ach fìor bheag de nithe sam bith eile : cha robh eòlas aca gus a so air àiteach. Rinn iad am beò air sealgaireachd agus iasgach; agus mar iomadh cinneadh borb eile, cha robh aca ach còirichean cumanta air am fearann. B'e so an staid anns an robh iad air tùs ; ach gur ann mar chaidh iad air an adhart air rathad a Ios callachadh is modhalachd ruigheachd, is ann mar so a dh'fhàs iad diombach, mi-thoilichte leis an t-suidheachadh thoiseachail a bha aca ; gun amharus, rud a thachradh gu cinnteach, oir mar is mò a chuir iad an cùil ri cleachdannan neo-oileanta an sinnsearan, is ann is mò a chuir iad iadsan an suarachas. Ach, mu àm toirt a steach do'n Chreideamh Chrìosdail do'n dùthaich so thuit an seann Riaghailt Ghàidhealach fo atharrachadh anabarrach mòr. Agus, maille ri iomadh ath-leasachadh eile a chaidh a chur air bonn aig an àm ud, chaidh na laghanna-fearainn air fad air am meudachadh agus air an cur am feabhas. Ghabh ùaghdairean agus muinntir na dùthcha fo bheachd nach robh na seana laghanna-fearainn iomchuidh no freagarrach dhoibh ni's mò, a chionn agus nach robh iad 'nan daoine borba, allabanach, gun àite-comhnuidh suidhichte sam bith aca tuilleadh. Chi sinn a nis am fearann Cuid nam Fineachan 309 a bhuineadh do'n Chlann air a roinn gu lèir 'na tri earrannan. B'e a'chiad earrann am fearann a bha aig a' Chlann—na Fineachan. Thug ar sinnsearan Feachd—is e sin si ràdh " fearann cumanta "—mar ainm air an roinn so. B'e an dara earrann 'na fearann a bhuineadh do'n Eaglais agus do'n Righ; agus thug iad Fearann Drèachdach mar ainm air an roinn so. B'e an treas earrann 'na fearann a bhuineadh do na Flaithibh ; agus thug ar sinnsearan Oi'òa mar ainm air. A thaobh na ciad earrainn, bha còir aig gach duine saor a bhuineadh do'n Chlann a chuid treudan a dh'ionaltradh air an fhearann so; agus bha còir aige, mar an ceudna, ri cuid de dh'fhearann-treabhta, agus ri àite-comhnuidh d'a fhèin. A thaobh na dara earrainn, bha am fearann so air a chur seachad leis an Fhine airson teachd-an-tir agus beathachaidh an Righ, agus a mhaoir1; agus airson teachd-an-tir agus beathachadh na h-Eaglaise agus a cuid Pearsa. A thaobh na treas earrainn, bha a' chuid bu mhò de'n fhearann so air a chumail leis na Flaithibh 'nan làmhan fhèin. Shuidhich iad an luchd-ìeanmhuinn (an dà chuid saor is daor) air, agus bha cead no còir aca, mar an ceudna, ris an fhearann so a thoirt seachad mar ghibht do'n fheadhainn sin a bha ri tighinn as an deigh. Chi sinn, mar so, gu'n robh tri cumhachdan mòra air an suidheachadh am measg nan seana Gàidheal, agus fo'n Riaghladh, Ghàidhealach—is e sin ri ràdh :— 1. An Fhine. 2. An Eaglais agus an Rìgh. 3. Na Flaithean. Chi sinn gu soilleir mar so gu'n robh an Fhine 'na mathair, mar gu'm b'ann, do chach, agus 'na cladhan as an do ruith an cumhachd uile a bha aca fa leth. 1Am Bàrd, am Britheamh, an Seanachaidh, etc. Cuid nam Fineachan Chi sinn mar so, mar an ceudna, an t-atharrachadh mòr a bha eadar am Feudal System agus Riaghladh nan Gàidheal. Fo'm Feudal System, b'e an Rìgh 'na aonar a bu mhathair-aobhar do'n chumhachd uile a bha aig gach ni agus neach a bh'ann. A rèir tionnsgnaidh no beachd, b'e an Rìgh e fhèin o'n do shruth gach cumhachd, agus gach onoir a bh'ann ; agus gun a chead no a thoil-san, cha robh e idir comasach do ni no neach sam bith fearann no tiodal a shealbhachadh anns na dùthaich ah* fad. A thuilleadh air sin, chi sinn mar so an t-atharrachadh mòr a tha eadar Riaghladh nan Còmunnairean agus Riaghladh nan Gàidheal. Tha na Còmunnairean ag ràdh gu'm bheil còir aig an Staid ris gach neach agus gach ni a tha an taobh a staigh dhith. Their iad, gu'm bu chòir do'n fhearann uile, maille ri gach ni eile a tha air uachdar dheth a bhith 'na làn sheilbh aig an Staid ; ach cha'n ann mar sin idir a tha Riaghladh nan Gàidheal a' gabhail beachd air a' chùis. Cha chreid na seana Ghàidheil, ni's mò tha sinn fhèin 'ga chreidsinn aig a' cheart àm, gu'n robh e 'na ni maith do'n t-sluagh gu lèir iad a bhith fo smachd na Staide; agus cha b'àdll leo riamh na cumhachdan uile an cur an aon làmh a mhàin. An àite sin, chuir iad air bonn an innleachd sin d'an d'thug iad mar ainm " Ionannachd Cothroim"—is e sin ri ràdh, roinn iad na cumhachdan rìoghail a bha aca 'nam measg fhèin, a' gabhail fior churaim nach robh tuilleadh is mò de chumhachd aig neach seach neach ; ach gu'n robh an t-aon chumhachd a bha iad a' toirt seachad gu fior ionann ris an fhear eile. Mar so, fhuair iad an " Ionannachd Cothroim" sin a bha dualach dhoibh, agus a bha 'gan comharrachadh a mach, maille ri'n Riaghladh fhèin, fad linntean o shean. Is e so, mata, seilbh a tha anabarrach Cuid nam Fineachan 311 priseil duinn; agus a chionn agus gur h-aon e de na cuspairean a tha aig a' Bhille so an " Ionannachd Cothroim Ghàidhealach " a chur air ais, agus a shuidheachadh ann ar measg as ùr—a rèir gach coltais—is e ar barail gu'n d'rinn Mr. Sinclair, agus luchd-riaghlaidh na dùthcha, glè mhaith ann a bhith 'ga toirt a staigh do'n Phàrlamaid Shasunnaich, agus gu'm bheil e a nis ar dleasnas taitneach, sunndach, fàilte is furan a chur oirre. Ach, mu'n cuir sinn crìoch air an roinn so d'ar ceann-teagaisg, is èiginn duinn focal no dhà a ràdh mu dhèighinn a' mhodh anns an deachaidh an Riaghladh Gàidhealach a dhith; agus, gu h-àraid, mu thimchioll nan tubaistean sin a thachair oirnn 'na lorg. An toiseach, abramaid gu'm bheil gach ni a chuir sinn an cèill gu so suas furasda a bhith air a dhearbhadh le Eachdraidh, co dhiù is e Eachdraidh na h-Alba no Eachdraidh na h-Eirinn a th'ann, agus as am bheil sinn a' tarruing ar beachd. A thaobh an Riaghlaidh Ghàidhealach an Albainn, chi ar luchd-leughaidh còmhdach nach 'eil breugach air so anns an leabhar ainmeil sin ris an goirear Leabhar Dheoir, agus anns am bheil gach ni a tha sinn a' cur an cèill mu dhèighinn nan seana Ghàidheal, agus an cuid cleachdannan, air a shuidheachadh gu tur soilleir, ionnus gu'm bheil cothrom ann aig gach fear aig am bheil miann gu leughaidh no imeachd gu sin a dheanamh, gun thrioblaid no dhorran sam bith. A nis, air do'n cheud Rìgh Dhàibhidh crùn na h-Alba fhaotainn le cuideachadh o 'chuid Frangaich, maille r'a chuid Sasunnaich, thug e a staigh leis an Riaghladh Frangach,1 ris an goirear anns a' Bheurla, 1 Gu firinneach, cha b'e " Bìaghladh Frangach " idir a bh'ann ach Bìaghladh Bomhanach. B'iad na Bomhanaich a chuir e air 312 Cuid nam Fineachan am Feudal System. Ciod e, mata, am modh riaghlaidh ud? Chuir sinn sin an cèill mu thràth. Leis a sin, gabhaidh sinn cead a dhol air ar n-adhart gun a ràdh smid tuilleadh dheth an so, ach gu'n robh e 'na mhodh riaghlaidh a bha gu tur an aghaidh an Riaghlaidh Ghàidhealaich. B'e an cuspair a bha aig an Rìgh so, agus aig a luchd-leanmhuinn air cathair-rìoghail na h-Alba, cumhachd na dùthcha fhaotainn 'nan làmhaibh fhèin; agus a Ios sin a dheanamh air dhòigh agus nach bitheadh rum no cothrom ann ri mearachd no fàillinn sam bith, b'èiginn da, agus d'a luchd-leanmhuinn, cumhachd na Fine a chur as; agus am modh a's feàrr gu sin a dheanamh, b'e sin, le'r cead, fearann no cuid nam Fineachan a thoirt air falbh uapa. Chi sinn gu furasda gu'n robh a' chùis mar so le dearbhadh a's simplidh a th'ann. Ciod a thachair do'n t-sluagh air do na Flaithibh a bhith air an ceannsachadh leis an rìgh airson " ceannairc," no lèith-sgeul eile mar sin ? An d'aisig an rìgh am fearann a thug e leis, leis a chuid fheachd, air a h-ais do'n Chlann ? Cha d'aisig gu deimhinn ! An àite sin, ghlèidh e an cuid fearann d'a fhèin, no thug e seachad e do neach sam bith eile a bha an cairdeas ris, no do na Flaithibh "ceannairceach," air dha an deanamh umhail dha fhèin air sgath an fhearainn a bha aca. Anns an dòigh so, chaidh cuid nam Fineachan air chall, agus a thoirt air falbh uapa. Bha i air a goid uapa, ceart mar an deachaidh an cù glas a chaidh a ghoid air Fhionn! Roinn an Rìgh agus na Flaithean cuid nam Fineachan eatorra fhèin; agus ma sheas an Eaglais a mach fad mòran bhliadh- borm anns an Eoinn Eòrpa air tùs; ach is ann leis na Frangaich a bha e air a thoirt a staigh do Bhreatuinn; agus, mar so, thug sinn mar ainm " an Bìaghladh Frangach " air. Cuid nam Fineachan 313 naichean an deigh sin, ciod a b'aobhar da, ach gu'n robh i tuilleadh a's cumhachdaiche gu bhith air a creachadh an dara cuid leis an Rìgh no leis na Flaithibh ? Ach, mu dheireadh, thuit an Eaglais, mar an ceudna, air droch làithean. Chaidh a creachadh leis an Rìgh agus leis na Flaithibh, air do luchd-deanamh an " Ath-leasachaidh " làmh-an-uachdar fhaotainn an Albainn. "The gaunt and hungry nobles of Scotland (their Froude san Eachdraidh a sgrìobh e), careless, most of them, of God or Devil, were eyeing the sleek and well-fed clergy like a pack of famished wolves." "They could scarcely be compelled to afford the starveling stipends of the ministers," their Mr. Lang. Mar mhadaidhean - alluidh sgriosail, acrasach, ràpach, ruith iad a sios o'n cuid daingnichean air cuid na h-Eaglaise; agus, maille ris an Righ, rinn iad anns a' chuis so ceart mar a rinn iadsan fada roimhe so ri cuid nam Fineachan. An saoil sibh gu'n robh guth no sùil aca ris a' mhaith chumanta am feadh agus a bha iad a' creachadh na h-Eaglaise ; no gu'n robh iad air an lionadh le smaointean neamhaidh an uair a bha iad a' toirt còir na h-Eaglaise r'a fearann fèin air falbh uaithe ? Cha b'ann mar sin idir a bha iad a' gabhail ris a' chùis. B'e an cuspair a bha aig na Flaithibh an ceart ni a bha aig an Rìgh, is a sin ri ràdh, tuilleadh de dh'fhearann fhaotainn ; tuilleadh de chumhachd fhaotainn; agus, gus làn ghreim fhaotainn air sin, cha d'thug iad sùil aona chuid air laghanna Dhè no air laghanna dhaoine. Agus, is ann mar so a bha e fad mòran bhliadhnaichean. Dh'fhàs muinntir na dùthcha ni's fainne agus ni's fainne, mar an deachaidh na bb#dh-naichean air an adhart. Cha robh Eaglais ann 314 Cuid nam Fineachan ni's mò, gus còirichean nam Fineachan a dhìon agus a chumail suas, mar a b'fheàrr a dh'fhaodadh i. Bha Fineachan na h-Alba a nis air tròcair nam Flaithean, agus an làn earbsa ri'n Rìgh. Agus, gu dearbh, is fior bheag de na ni a chaidh a' chiad ainmeachadh a fhuair iad. An àite sin, dh'fhuadadch iad a mach iad gun tròcair no suim air bith ri h-aois, no gnè, 'nuair a dh'fhàs iad air beachd nach robh feum aca dhoibh tuilleadh, agus an uair a bha iad làn dèidheil air caoraich is feidh a ghabhail a staigh do na glinn agus daoine a chumail a mach. Ach, fada mu dheireadh, thàinig (taing do Dhia), a' cheud chuideachadh a fhuair Fineachan na h-Alba o chionn iomadh bliadhna ; agus chaidh Achd nan Croitearan air a shuidheachadh anns an dùthaich le cead na Pàrlamaide, anns a' bhliadhna 1886. Thug an Reachd sin cuideachadh mòr do na Croitearan; ach cha do fhreagair e a' chùis mar bu chòir. Ach is ann an sin a thoisich an obair fheumail, èiginneach, mhaitb, ged nach robh e ach mar thoiseachadh a mhàin air a' ghnothach. Cha do bhean e ach ri oir a' ghnothaich. Cha robh e comasach do'n Achd sin an t-olc no an eucail uile a thoirt air falbh uapa, ged nach robh e gun sochair gu lèir. Mar sin, rinn na Croitearan, agus an cuid càirdean a bha air taobh a staigh, maille riusan a bha air taobh a muigh de na Pàrlamaide stri nach robh beag gu leasachadh is farsaingeachd a chur air an Achd; ach, fad mòran bhliadhnaichean, is ann mar dhaoine aig nach robh ach a' bheag de dhòchas a bha iad a' cumail suas aobhair nam Fineachan Albannach. Ach, a nis (taing do Dhia), tha gu bhith againn " Reachd nan Gabhaltaichean Beaga "; agus a rèir gach coltais, bithidh an Achd so mar chairt-' iùil ùr do na Croitearan, agus mar inneal shaorsa do'n dùthaich air fad. Cuid nam Fineachan 315 Tha sinn deas, mata, ar seul a chur ris a' Bhille so, agus na reusanan sin a thathas 'gan toirt oirnn sin a dheanamh, is iad mar so iad. An toiseach, is e ar barail gu'm bi a' cheud bhuannachd a thèid a mach o'n Reachd so is e so, Fineachan na h-Alba a chur air am bonn fhèin, a rìs agus a chaoidh. Anns an dara àite, is ro thaitneach leinn na cumhachdan eigineach sin a tha e 'toirt a staigh leis. Anns an treas àite, tha a' Bhille so air a dealbhadh air dhòigh agus nach 'dol an aghaidh nòis is cleachdannan nan Gàidheal: air an làimh eile, tha e 'cordadh gu maith riutha. Anns a' cheathramh àite, tha a' Bhille so 'na gnìomh ceartais, agus bithidh sinn glè thoilichte nam biodh e comasach cuid de dh'fhearann a bha air a thoirt air falbh o'n t-sluagh anns an bliadhnaichean a chaidh seachad a thoirt air ais as ùr do na Fineachan Gàidhealach. Anns a' chuigeadh àite tha sinn a' 'faighinn tlachd mhòir as a' Bhille so, a chionn agus gu'm bheil i gu bhith air a cur ri'n dùthaich gu lèir. Gu dearbh is e so comharradh anabarrach maith oirre; agus tha dòchas againn gur ann mar so a bhitheas e a ghnàth agus gu buileach anns na bliadhnaichean a tha ri teachd. Gu dearbh, is mithich do na Gàidheil a bhith ag iarraidh a' chiuil, gus an dean Albainn dannsa air sgath an lagha ùir so. Agus is e so an sèathamh reuson airson gu'm bheil sinn a' cur ar taice ris a'Bhille, gur h-e, a nis, an Staid a tha mar dhìon agus mar inneal-glèidhidh do'n t-sluagh gu lèir. Dh'fhalbh na Fineachan mar inneal agus mar ghnothaichean reachdach gu buileach; agus an cumhachd a bha aca anns na làithean a dh'aom, tha e a nis aig iuchd-riaghlaidh na Staide. Anns an t-seann seadh, anns an t-seann mhodh, cha'n 'eil "Clann" no "Fine" ann ni's mò. Dh'fhalbh iad, mar sgeul a dh'inn- 316 Education and "Atmosphere" seadh.; ach ma dh'fhalbh, gu cinnteach, tha iad fathast a' làthair. Ciod i an Staid idir air an latha an diugh ach co-chruinneachadh mòr de chlanna agus de dh'Fhineachan ? Na h-uiread so a thaobh nan stèidhean mòra a tha aig bonn na Bille so. Anns ar n-ath àireamh, cuiridh sinn an cèill na smuaintean a tha againn mu dhèighinn nam meanbh phongan a tha 'ga comharradh a mach. education and "atmosphere". The recent celebrations in connexion with the University of Aberdeen induce a train of thought whose outward expression will be found ultimately to embrace the subject of Education in general. It is hard to be particular in respect of so many-sided a problem. It is hard to impose limits upon our reflections and speculations at a time when all Christendom is possessed with the restless spirit of the "newer learning," and when the struggle for existence is as widespread and acute amongst the rival educational " systems " as it is in the world of commerce, or in any of those other " departments " of life which are consecrated to ceaseless endeavour by human activity and ambition. Speaking generally, the subject of Education may be roughly classified for discussion under the three heads of Substance, Method, and Atmosphere. The second explains itself. It is the means of imparting knowledge. Like the subject of what constitutes, or should constitute, Education, it also is matter of dispute. The third, Atmosphere, comprises the circumstances of Education; and if it is less matter of dispute in some quarters, the Education and "Atmosphere" 317 reason thereof is not far to seek. Atmosphere hardly appeals to the majority of educationists in these islands, as a necessary, or even as an important, branch of our subject. With regard to Method, it would be easy to dismiss it by glibly observing that only the best should obtain. No doubt the desire for efficiency is a common possession. Summum bonum maximum is a popular maxim, to which the incompetent and the effete, together with their betters, vociferously subscribe. And merely to beg the question by inquiring, in phraseology similar to that which Pilate and Mr. Chamberlain have conspired to render fashionable, "What is best?" would furnish no appreciable solution of the mystery. It is obvious, then, since no man can yet say positively what is best, that the educationists must be allowed to fight out the matter amongst themselves. The road to knowledge, via experience, leads over the educational Golgotha, through many a prickly brake and by many a rock and thorn-strewn pass to efficiency—but the goal is not yet. The world is improving ; but the process is painful and slow. It is only by learning how not to educate that we can hope to arrive at ultimate efficiency. Truly, the horrors of vivisection have their counterpart in the experimental methods of our educational " experts ". But is not progress, like experience, ever handsomely paid for ? The sufferings of a dog or a rabbit are more than moving tales to some well-meaning people; but what of the human wrecks produced by methods of " scientific " culture gone awry or astray ? Verily, there is no royal road to knowledge. It was not, however, with the intention of discussing this branch of our topic that we took up 318 Education and ''Atmosphere" Education and "Atmosphere" 319 in a higher degree, and yet more tenaciously, as Catholics. Just as the Nationalist demands that our schools and colleges shall be Scottish in spirit as well as in form, so do we Catholic Gaels demand that our schools shall be Catholic in spirit as well as in form. This is atmosphere. We do not believe in the Englishman's habit of " broad-mindedness" (which is going to bring about his downfall, and that of his Empire, in the near future) in either religion or politics. No Gael worthy the name will rest content until the public schools of Scotland are thoroughly nationalised. If the Gaelic language is to recover the ground which it has lost, we must have Gaelic teachers in our schools. If Scotland is to regain her former proud position, the youth of our country must be instructed in national principles. The education of the young must be conducted in a manner which will at least afford every mother's son of them an opportunity of acquiring correct notions in respect to his country and its history. In this matter, looking to the past history of our race, we cannot afford to leave anything to chance. As Gaels, anything approaching latitudinarianism in nationalism must be carefully eschewed by us. It is our deliberate conviction that " broad-mindedness," whether in religion or nationalism, is one of the greatest curses of the age. The man who thinks that one religion is as good as another, equally with the individual who inclines to latitudinarianism in nationalism, is a nuisance and a danger, to whom no quarter should be shown. We have written thus strongly because we desire that our Protestant fellow-countrymen should be thoroughly informed as to the nature and extent of our demand for atmosphere. And we apprehend the pen, but with the design of making a few observations on the subject of "Atmosphere" in relation to Education. As we have already remarked, with the majority of the educationists of these islands, "Atmosphere" counts for little or nothing. They do not understand it, and will not be concerned with it; but to the Gael and to the Catholic it is everything. To the average Englishman, the Darwinian atmosphere of the monkey-house at his national Zoo, would smell every bit as sweet as the most highly-perfumed odour of sanctity, exhaled by the most inveterate Ritualist. " Atmosphere," in the sense understood, we fear, by the Catholic alone, does not so much as enter into his olfactory calculations. Under the blight of Protestantism, he has acquired a habit of mind which he is pleased to call cosmopolitan, but which, instead of being characterised by true broadness, is remarkable only for furnishing a melancholy illustration of dull and loose thinking. He makes the common mistake of confusing looseness of reasoning with breadth of mind. He fails to grasp the important fact that atmosphere, if not everything, is something. His panic cry of " Efficiency ! " is in a fair way to be accommodated by gift of the shadow, without reference to the substance. "Broad-minded " through indolence, and " easy-going " and " tolerant" by dint of long affectation, he professes to be able neither to understand nor to homologate our demand for Atmosphere. But what is the Catholic position in regard to Education, and whence our mysterious solicitude for this nebulous quantity styled " Atmosphere " ? The enigma, if enigma it be, is easily explained. Its revelation can be compressed almost into a nutshell. The faith which we hold as Gaels, we hold 320 Education and "Atmosphere" that what we have said as to the necessity of creatl ing a Gaelic atmosphere in our schools and colleges! will assist them to understand and to appreciate the Catholic claim for the same thing in respect of our holy religion. We simply cannot afford to do without Catholic atmosphere in our Catholic schools. It is as necessary to the well-being of our Faith as the air around us is to the maintenance] of life in our bodies. If Scotland had preserved her national atmosphere, Scotland would not now be what, alas ! she undoubtedly is—a mere province of England. If the Gaelic race had not suffered the loss of its national atmosphere, the Scottish language and Scottish nationality would not now be in their present parlous condition. The moral] to be drawn from these few observations is obvious. Atmosphere is the thing, and must be preserved and cultivated at all hazards. And this brings us to another branch of our theme, which is, the present state of national education, as well Catholic as Protestant, in Scotland. With the demand for Gaelic teachers for] the public schools, we have, of course, all imaginable sympathy. Gaelic is the national language of Scotland ; and it is but right and proper that it should be taught not only in every so-called " Highland" school, but in every school in every parish throughout the length and breadth of the land. This is the irreducible minimum of our] educational demand, and we beg all friends of tha Scot or Gael, whilst refusing no concession or reform which " makes for " that position and working gradually up to it, ever to bear it prominently in mind. But, whilst we are charged with concern and solicitude for national education in our elementary schools, let us not lose sight of the important] Education and "Atmosphere" 321 fact that if the country as a whole is to be restored to nationalism the Gaelic oriflamme must needs be firmly planted in our higher schools and colleges as well. At present this aspect of the question is in some danger of being overlooked by reason of the "battle of the schools"—of the fight, now in progress, that is to say, which has for its object the more systematic and extended introduction of the Gaelic language into the elementary schools; but with a view to showing how serious and pressing this aspect of the question also is, we invite our readers' attention to the considerations which follow. Let us first take the case of the Protestant gentleman's son: we will next briefly inquire in what respect, if any, that of the Catholic gentleman's offspring differs from that of his Protestant compatriot. The Protestant gentleman generally sends his son to England to be educated. The unost susceptible period of the youth's career is thus passed in England, amidst English scenes, and amongst Saxon surroundings. What chance is [jthere, therefore, for the Scottish youth who has been so badly grounded, to grow up a Scotsman ?1 Practically none, unless he be exceptionally strong-minded; unless his mental and moral constitution are strong enough to withstand the attacks of the atmosphere in which he has been scholastically nurtured, which, by the way, does not generally [happen. The Iad grows up until his educational growth culminates in that most depressing of all objects, if we consider the youth's blood and parentage, a full-blown Saxon. It is true that 1 We say nothing here as to the economic aspect of the question; but it is obvious that this sending of so many children of wealthy parents to be educated in England is a serious financial loss to our country. 322 Education and "Atmosphere" when he returns to his country, to settle down as laird, or to discover his regimentals to an admiring peasantry, he occasionally " dons the kilt," talks knowingly of the '45, and cultivates a little " Highland " learning on Sir Walter Scott, but in spite of his tailor and his bookseller he is nothing but a Saxon. He is English in speech, and Saxon in tone. He knows no Gaelic, and will not be troubled to acquire any. Instead of being as Gaelic as the peats, he is, in all respects, in thought, in word, and in deed, even more English than the English themselves. He readily attaches himself to an English political party; and what that party is it would be superfluous to say. Suffice it to observe that it is the party which is pledged to the preservation of the Union, which is associated with the enemies of the Gaelic language and our national aims and aspirations. Knowing nothing of the Gaelic language, by reason of his English upbringing, and being totally uninstructed in the history of our country, is it to be wondered at that the average Scottish gentleman should constitute a kind of perambulating machine for the propagation and dissemination of English ideas ? Even in his sports and his pastimes, he gives unreserved and unmistakable indication of his Saxon education. The old time-honoured Scottish games and sports are laid aside, and cricket and other typically English diversions and recreations are introduced into his district by means of his influence. Though a Protestant, too, the religion of his Presbyterian neighbour is not good enough for him, so he must needs attach himself to that of the Predominant Partner, which further tends to Anglicisation. Indeed, to spare ourselves the trouble of enumerating and our readers that of perusing the various particulars Education and "Atmosphere" 323 which constitute him an Englishman and nothing but an Englishman, in all essential respects, it is evident that the custom to which we refer is disastrous from the national point of view, and that so long as it obtains so long must, and will, our country, as a whole, fall grievously short of that national standard which the Gaelic movement has set up. The atmosphere of English schools and colleges cannot be otherwise than English. It would be as foolish, as it would be unreasonable, to expect anything else. For this reason we have no hesitation in characterising them as no fit places for the education of the Scottish youth. We are of opinion that Scottish Protestant parents who send their children to be educated in England, are thereby committing an unpatriotic action; and we appeal to our Protestant fellow-countrymen to do what in them lies to discourage and discredit this injurious and ridiculous practise. Let us now briefly consider the position of the Catholic parent in Scotland. There are at present no Catholic schools or colleges in Scotland to which the Catholic Scot of the upper and wealthy classes can send his sons for education. Apart from the national college for the Scottish priesthood at Blairs, there is not a single scholastic institution, with any pretensions to be considered as national, throughout the length and breadth of Scotland. This, undoubtedly, is a condition of things passing strange and discreditable. It means, too, that the Catholic parent, whose social position is superior to that of the majority of his Catholic neighbours, is more or less obliged to send his son to England to be educated, since the good old fashion for Catholic Scots gentle people to send their children abroad, to Catholic seminaries, to be educated has B 324 Education and "Atmosphere" largely fallen into disuse owing to the Union. Undoubtedly, the peculiar atmosphere of English Catholic schools and colleges is, generally, less destructive to our nationalism than is that of the corresponding seminaries of Protestant England: nevertheless, the practice is not one which we, as Gaels, can conscientiously recommend. Some of these Catholic schools are aggressively English. We make no complaint, and harbour no resentment, against them on that ground. It is but right and just that they should be so ; and the Gael who would deny to others that which he claims for himself, has little of our sympathy and none of our respect. But for this very reason it is that English Catholic schools are no fit places for the Catholic Scottish youth. Of course, the Scottish language is unknown in them. Scottish history is not taught in them. The atmosphere is English. These three conditions not only " make for " Anglicisation, but, in the vast majority of cases, they speedily accomplish it. Thus, from the national point of view, there is little to distinguish the Scots Catholic gentleman from his Protestant fellow-countryman of similar social standing. Both are, in all essentials, Englishmen; both are, as products of the same melancholy system, as alike as the proverbial two peas. In both cases, it is the want of a proper national atmosphere which accounts for their stunted national growth, and which explains their exhausted appearance. The suggestion has been put forward that the Scottish Catholic youth should attend the Scottish universities, under, we presume, the necessary religious safeguards, and in conformity with the regulations which our Church imposes in cases where the children of Catholics are entertained as students of Protestant seminaries. But we ap- Education and "Atmosphere" 325 prehend that the Catholic very real and vital objection to a Protestant atmosphere is not likely to be overcome in favour of anything approaching a general acceptance of this suggested arrangement. The Scots Catholics are far more likely to follow the example of their Irish co-religionists in regard to this important matter than they are to follow that of the handful of English Catholic parents whose sons are now receiving their education at Protestant universities in England. It is a notorious fact that our Protestant gentry do not send their sons to be educated at Scots universities; and inasmuch as here, at all events, there can be no question of the suitability, or the reverse, of the religious atmosphere to be encountered at these universities, we think this refusal on the part of the Scots Protestant gentry to participate in the advantages and benefits of Scottish educational institutions both unpatriotic and snobbish. Though by no means what they should be, from the national point of view, yet the Scottish schools and universities are at least Scottish; and any youth entering their portals as student is more likely to remain a Scotsman than is the boy or youth who receives his university or other education in England. If the Scots Protestant gentry combined in a movement to send their sons to Scottish schools and universities, not only would the social " tone " of these seminaries be in a fair way to be raised, but we are of opinion that the Protestant youth of the country would benefit likewise. The influence of the gentry, too, might be usefully exerted in the direction of raising the national tone of these seminaries, which, as we have already observed, at present leaves much to be desired. But this, after all, is a Protestant affair, and, as 326 Education and "Atmosphere" Education and "Atmosphere" 327 is no country and time for pessimists, refiners, doubters, eight-hour-goers, ^cA^-all-things-to-all-men and recruiting-sergeants from the ranks of the dismal army of wet-blanket-wearers in general. Those who are neither ashamed, nor afraid, to set their shoulders to the wheel, and to do good, sound, hard, honest work in behalf of religion and country —the services of such as these were at no previous period of our history more necessary, or more likely to lay up for themselves treasure above, if not to secure for them the rewards and emoluments of this transitory world. We venture to hope, therefore, that the work to which we refer will shortly be taken in hand, and that the necessary "driving-power" behind it will be forthcoming. The machinery for such an institution already exists to a considerable extent, we believe. All that is required is a little of that fighting genius, a little of that spirit of self-sacrifice and pious perseverance which animated our glorious St. Columba and his indomitable disciples. When the Evangelist of Scotland first set foot on our storm-swept shores, think you that there was a millionaire waiting to receive him with pen and cheque-book in hand, or that a Royal Commission had previously been appointed for the purpose of collecting documentary evidence as to the feasibility or the reverse of his projected undertaking ? The work which that great Saint accomplished, he performed almost single-handed, without money, without friends, and in the teeth of an opposition which was well-nigh insupportable. Across those stormy seas he came, in his frail coracle, to a land as wild and inhospitable as were the people destined to receive him. A monstrous regime of tyranny and superstition, of ignorance and cruelty, confronted him on all sides; yet his lion heart, such, cannot possibly be more than a passing concern. What we are desirous to obtain for the Catholic youth of this country is a sound Scottish education on Scottish soil. A university for ourselves we cannot at present hope to obtain; which is one of several reasons why we hope that our Irish co-religionists and kinsmen will not abate of their demand for a university in which the atmosphere shall be uncompromisingly Catholic and Gaelic; for, in the event of such an university being erected on Irish soil, we doubt not—indeed we may say we have received assurances to that effect—that " facilities " and inducements would be generously offered to Catholic Scotland—facilities and inducements of which, we have every reason to believe, many of all classes in this country would hasten to avail themselves. Our more immediate purpose, however, in addressing these remarks has been to call attention to the need which exists for a school to which our Catholic upper classes could send their sons, and wherein they might be certain of their receiving an education at once Catholic and national. There is no such school at present in Scotland, and its want is both obvious and pressing. The necessary educational machinery for such a school, together with the means to support it, and the required clientele (that is to say the scholars or pupils), should not be hard to obtain if we consider the wealth and extent of the Catholic population. Of course, nothing is to be gained either by embarking upon the acquisition of so desirable a national possession in a half-hearted and perfunctory fashion, or by expecting a miracle to happen in the shape of a free gift, on the part of Providence, of such a seminary, together with all its educational appliances. This 328 Armachd secure in its perfect faith in God, and fixed as the immovable rocks around him in its Heaven-sent purpose, never once quailed or caused him to give way to gloomy misgivings. His mission to convert and to reform, to civilise and educate, was as fixed as the stars above him, which illumined his lonely vigils, and struck added piety to his saintly breast. Nothing could conquer him. No man could say him nay, and persist. No difficulty could daunt him. No obstacle could turn aside his hand from that which God had given him to do. Colum of the Gael! Dean eadar-ghuidhe air ar son: dean cuidich leinn, tha sinn a'guidhe ort! armachd Aig a' chruinneachadh mhòr a thachair an Lunainn a's t-samhradh so chaidh, agus ris an goirear anns a' Bheurla an International Parliamentary Conference, labhair cuid de 'n luchd-labhairt a bha lathair gu duineil, gu calma an aghaidh Armachd. Chuir iad an cèill na smaointean a bha aca mu'n chùis so air dhòigh agus nach leig duine sam bith a bha 'gan èisdeach a bhi an amharus nach robh làn fhìrinn aca anns na h-uile ni a thubhairt iad air mhodh cho soilleir agus sòlaimte. Chuir iad an cèill iomadh fìrinn cudromach mu'n ghnothach so, agus a thug mòran de dh'eòlas dhoibhsan a bha lathair. A rèir agus mar a thubhairt an teachdaire Frangach, tha an Fhraing a' buileachadh air an armailt, agus air a cuid cabhlaichean suim ni's lugha na 1,000,000,000 frs. gach bliadhna. ; agus ris na fioghairean so, cuiridh sinn feadhainn eile air sgath fiosrachadh ar luchd-leughaidh. Armachd 329 CO QO r-t CO 00 CO i-H CO IO TH - co o co 10lO I'- co th co too o id O lO CO lO *N INiOON CO EN CO CO t-~ CO co loTco" co" CO CN i-i 00 „ ao o r-1-9 "COS 59;§og IM rH J! o o < o 'A z z < 55 7 < «1 1 CO T* MilfJHO Tfi CN r-— ONNCO CN t-^ vO CO_COOOS CN co wT 00 i-H ^T-^T o~ i-- co co co as co rH CO CD CO CO TP rH r-T co" co" oTi-T r-T CO \Cì oì o co as t* tH =35 of of -rf r-tO 00 OS CN O O _ ,, o o co o j CM O TP ITS o S o co S «2 H « g 00 gq* g i>- o co o r— 00 00 m a- ¦ -